This study critically analyzed four selected campaign speeches by Robert Kennedy from his 1968 campaign to determine his use of the Camelot myth and his success in portraying himself as the heir apparent to the Kennedy legend. Using procedures adapted from fantasy theme analysis, the rhetorical vision of Camelot was outlined, and the fantasy themes and fantasy types within it were determined. The public persona of Robert Kennedy was also evaluated. Throughout the speeches analyzed, Robert Kennedy invoked themes identified within the rhetorical vision of Camelot. In addition to his own themes of social justice and reconciliation, Kennedy promoted his brother's legend. Chaining evidence provided proof of the public's participation in the rhetorical vision demonstrating Kennedy's success with these themes.

No description available.

No description available.

The meteoric political decline of George Romney is unparalleled in political history and in the history of presidential campaigning. In the space of one year, the man evolved from the overwhelming presidential favorite of Republicans, Democrats, and Independents alike to a presidential drop out, criticized severely and even mocked by press and public alike.There are many opinions as to why this phenomenon occurred. The press has opinions, the public has opinions, and the people closest to George Romney have opinions.A step by step analysis of Romney's campaign casts light on these opinions and completely discredits some while validating and emphasizing others.Romney's campaign had finance problems, it had personnel problems, and, most of all, it had a candidate who never fully committed himself to the campaign, who never truly and deeply wanted the Presidency of the United States.

This study asks whether and how the presidential inaugural address influences American audiences. The current study explores how the 2017 Presidential Inaugural Address of Donald Trump influences audiences. Two areas were studied: Candidate image and the state of the nation. I hypothesized that participants who watched the address would have different attitudes regarding candidate image and the state of the nation compared to non-viewers. I also hypothesized that viewers of the address who voted for Donald Trump would respond differently to candidate image and the state of the nation when compared with those who did not vote for Trump. With one exception, none of the findings was significant. That is, attitudes of inaugural address viewers and non-viewers were similar, and attitudes of those who voted for the president and those who did not vote for the president were also similar. The exception was noted between those who voted for the candidate and oppositional voters: Those who voted for Donald Trump reported the nation is headed "in the right direction" while dissenters disagreed.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-10-19T11:49:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandoewerton2013.pdf: 3792977 bytes, checksum: a33cf39614d549ab77426deef3c9a404 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-02-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Relevance; Classification; Journalism; Politics; New agency; Knowledge organization / O objetivo desta tese é identificar critérios de relevância aplicados por agências de notícia transnacionais na representação de candidatos a presidente do Brasil e traçar paralelos com critérios adotados por usuários de sistemas de informação ao inferir relevância em processos de busca. Partimos da premissa teórica de que relevância é mensurável e adotamos o princípio metodológico de que uma maior freqüência lexical encontra-se hipoteticamente associada a um maior peso relativo e relevância conceituais dentro de um conjunto de termos , aplicando-o na análise de conteúdo de 305 textos de quatro agências de notícia transnacionais a francesa France Presse (AFP), a americana Associated Press (AP), a espanhola EFE e a britânica/canadense Reuters em duas eleições presidenciais brasileiras. Neste corpus, coletado via telex, em 1989, e na internet, em 2010, identificamos os tipos de termo usados pelas quatro agências em função adjetiva antes, depois e em substituição ao nome dos quatro principais candidatos em cada eleição, mapeamos os esquemas de classificação política de cada uma e comparamos os critérios de relevância aplicados nos dois momentos, em busca de regularidades e discrepâncias que corroborassem, ou não, a hipótese de que agências de notícia transnacionais recorrem a esquemas de classificação próprios baseados numa tipologia comum de termos, cuja frequência no corpus revela os critérios de relevância de cada uma. Com base nos resultados, concluímos que os critérios de relevância das agências pesquisadas são semelhantes em diversos aspectos aos critérios adotados por usuários de sistemas de informação ao inferirem relevância em processos de busca

No description available.

This diploma thesis analyses the debates of the two candidates who passed to the second round of the Czech direct presidential election in 2013. Primarily focuses on the debates in the public service media - Czech Television and Czech Radio. To put into context the whole campaign will briefly examine the debates on commercial TV stations as well. The thesis applies content analysis as the methodology. It measures how often both candidates (Miloš Zeman and Karel Schwarzenberg) mentioned their officially declared programme theses in a total of six debates on television and radio. The campaign is also presented more broadly in order to put the analysis into a wider context. Only programmes officially designated will be considered for the analysis so as to secure its accuracy. A quantitative analysis of the content will be applied in order to measure the frequency of programme theses in the debates researched. The principal goal of the thesis is to confirm or disconfirm the hypothesis that programme theses do not play such an important role in a political campaign in general, nor in candidate debates. I focus on the aspect of how different debates were and in which type of media presidential candidates presented the higher number of their programme theses.

This thesis focuses on the question of preferential treatment by U.S. national newsmagazines of presidential candidates in the 2004 election as evidenced by their visual coverage. Using content analysis, all the visual depictions of candidates George W. Bush and John Kerry were analyzed for 10 visual attributes to determine whether one had received better pictorial treatment. This study asked if the newsmagazines had printed greater amounts of visuals overall for one candidate and if one candidate's visuals were more or less positive than the other. The author concludes that more coverage was given to Bush over Kerry in a 60/40 ratio in all three magazines, and overall, the pictures published for each candidate were positive and neither candidate was given preferential treatment by any of the magazines. The newsmagazines were not deemed biased for publishing more visuals of Bush because, though more visuals were of the president during September, the newsmagazines published nearly equal numbers of visuals in October and November, often pairing them in layouts. The magazines were also not biased in their selection of visuals. All three tended to publish more positive or neutral visuals and rarely did any significantly differing patterns emerge to show that the editors favored one candidate over the other. Those attributes that did reach significance had weak associations. This study is a replication and a continuation of visual media content analyses of the 1984, 1988, and 1996 campaign coverage by Moriarty and Garramone (1986), Moriarty and Poppovich (1989), and Waldman and Devitt (1998) respectively. This research adds to the body of media bias and agenda-setting among newspapers and magazines and visual media.

No description available.