Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-06-12T12:41:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Lauro Ávila Pereira.pdf: 2610366 bytes, checksum: 81dc09b4eca738b2fe262d57fad07be6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-12T12:41:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lauro Ávila Pereira.pdf: 2610366 bytes, checksum: 81dc09b4eca738b2fe262d57fad07be6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-12 / The general objective of this doctoral research was to identify and discuss the paths proposed for the country by the magazines Veja and Isto é during the Brazilian political transition between 1976 and 1984. It was sought in more specific terms, to analyze the content of journalistic coverage of the magazines of the political mobilizations and social struggles that occurred in the period, rescuing the qualifications attributed to the movements and the positioning of the publications in that conjuncture. At the same time, it sought to understand the formation of a culture of transition in which the press, and particularly the magazines analyzed, had an active participation. The main sources of the research were the copies of Veja and Isto é magazines published between 1976 and 1984. Papers from the Deops Fund of São Paulo, newspapers of the daily press – O Estado de São Paulo, Folha de São Paulo, Jornal da República - of the alternative press - Movimento and Em Tempo - and documents of the Centro de Documentação e Pesquisa Vergueiro. The final text was organized in three parts: In the first part called - The weekly magazines in the transition - the objective was to rescue part of the history of the magazines Veja and Isto é, its main characteristics, internal transformations and, mainly, the editorial projects that organized them until 1984. In the second part, titled "Down the dictatorship: amnesty is oblivion?", It is discussed how the magazines covered the resumption of the student movement (1977-1979) and the amnesty movement between 1976 and 1979. The third part of the thesis, "Social Struggles: Workers Back to the Political Scene," analyses how the two publications covered the return of social movements to the political scene, particularly popular movements in the second half of the 1970s, The Movimento do Custo de Vida and the strikes of the late 1970s / O objetivo geral desta pesquisa de doutoramento foi identificar e discutir os caminhos propostos para o país pelas revistas Veja e Isto é durante a transição política brasileira entre 1976 e 1984. Procurou-se em termos mais específicos, analisar o conteúdo das coberturas jornalísticas das revistas frente às mobilizações políticas e lutas sociais ocorridas no período, resgatando as qualificações atribuídas aos movimentos e os posicionamentos das publicações naquela conjuntura. Simultaneamente buscou compreender a formação de uma cultura da transição na qual a imprensa, e particularmente, as revistas analisadas tiveram participação ativa. A principal fonte da pesquisa foram os exemplares das revistas Veja e Isto é publicados entre 1976 e 1984. Também foram consultados documentos do Fundo Deops de São Paulo, jornais da imprensa diária – o Estado de São Paulo, Folha de São Paulo, Jornal da República – da imprensa alternativa – Movimento e Em Tempo – e documentos do Centro de Documentação e Pesquisa Vergueiro. O texto final foi organizado em três partes: Na primeira parte denominada – As revistas semanais na transição - o objetivo é resgatar parte da história das revistas Veja e Isto é, suas características principais, transformações internas e, principalmente, os projetos editoriais que as organizaram até 1984. Na segunda parte, intitulado “Abaixo a ditadura: anistia é esquecimento?”, é discutido como as revistas cobriram a retomada do movimento estudantil (1977-1979) e o movimento pela anistia entre 1976 e 1979. A terceira parte da tese, “Lutas Sociais: Os trabalhadores de volta a cena política”, discute como as duas publicações cobriram a volta dos movimentos sociais à cena política, particularmente os movimentos populares na segunda metade da década de 70, entre eles o Movimento Custo de Vida e as greves do final dos anos 1970

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-01-23T11:30:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Merilyn Escobar de Oliveira.pdf: 1790857 bytes, checksum: 66cfcb8f2452ad7d09ceede15679facd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-23T11:30:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Merilyn Escobar de Oliveira.pdf: 1790857 bytes, checksum: 66cfcb8f2452ad7d09ceede15679facd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The debate on the crisis of political parties, institutions and democracy remained on the agenda of contemporary political science studies throughout the last century. In the last decades, the perception of fragile political representation, anti-party sentiment and distrust in the institutions has been the subject matter of the media, the political scene and social life. The reports of irregularities, corruption, fraud, privileges of politicians and parties became frequent in the Brazilian news. And it is in this scenario of national politics that the theme of political reform emerges as a "remedy" for all the evils of our country's electoral system. On the occasion of the political crisis of 2005 and 2006, which reached the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) in the legislature of former President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, on the existence of a "caixa dois" (illegal financing), and Exchange of political support ("mensalão"), flaws already crystallized in the Brazilian political system. The fragility of the legislation on party contributions, the fragmentation in the National Congress and the heated debates on the fight against corruption in government were highlighted. The present work analyzes the editorials of the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo in the period between 2003 and 2010, that corresponds to the PT management in the Federal Government; our intention was to understand how the approach, the framing and the construction of the discourse on the political reform in debate in the National Congress, during the activities of the Special Commission of Political Reform and the Commission of Constitution Justice and Citizenship (CCJ) / O debate sobre a crise dos partidos políticos, instituições e democracia permaneceu na agenda de estudos da ciência política contemporânea, durante todo o século passado. Nas últimas décadas, o aumento da percepção sobre a frágil representação política, o sentimento antipartidário e a desconfiança nas instituições foram os assuntos que alimentaram a pauta dos meios de comunicação, do cenário político e da vida social. As denúncias de irregularidades, corrupção, fraudes, privilégios dos políticos e partidos tornaram-se frequentes nos noticiários brasileiros. E é neste cenário da política nacional, que surge o tema da reforma política como um “remédio” para todos os males do sistema eleitoral de nosso país. Por ocasião da crise política, de 2005 e 2006, que atingiu o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) na legislatura do ex-presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, sobre a existência de um “caixa dois” (financiamento ilegal), e do pagamento em troca de apoio político (“mensalão”), vieram à tona falhas já cristalizadas no sistema político brasileiro. Como pano fundo, evidenciou-se a fragilidade da legislação sobre as contribuições partidárias, a fragmentação no Congresso Nacional e os debates acalorados sobre o combate à corrupção no governo. O presente trabalho analisa os editoriais dos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo no período entre 2003 a 2010 que corresponde à gestão petista no Governo Federal; nossa intenção foi compreender como se deu a abordagem, o enquadramento (framing) e a construção do discurso sobre a reforma política em debate no Congresso Nacional, na ocasião das atividades da Comissão Especial da Reforma Política e da Comissão de Constituição Justiça e Cidadania (CCJ)

Using quantitative content analysis, this study explores social movement (SM) framing in commercial news media -- by comparing how leading newspapers covered prominent protest occupations in 2011 and 2016. More than other SMs, anti-systemic protests like the 2011 Occupy Wall Street (OWS) and the 2016 Malheur Refuge Occupation (MRO) only have partial frame-setting agency, raising a broad theory question (to inform the research questions below): If SMs and media relate as interacting systems, are protest news frames more movement- or more media- driven; and do media not just enable but also constrain SMs? With the movement-media theory question above, the study design adapts media opportunity structure (MOS) to model a hierarchy of influences on news coverage of ideologically opposed or "distant twin" OWS and MRO, as 40- to 60-day protest occupations. The focused research question -- exploring media's constraining potential -- asks if commercial news framing of collective action: i) commercially frames or "sells" even anti-corporate protest; or ii) instead marginalizes or neutralizes such protest? Coverage from three top national or state newspapers (The New York Times, USA Today, and The Oregonian) was analyzed randomly from all protest stories during the occupations. Sampled time periods in 2011 and 2016, during actual encampments/ occupations in Portland, OR and New York City (OWS) and in Malheur National Wildlife Refuge, Oregon (MRO), also correspond with transitional years in print news. The inductive-based comparative results, from 15 coding dimensions for news framing of collective action, dispersed passivity, and commercially-framed activism, showed some evidence for the "selling protest" question. And the compiled summary Framing Advantages and Disadvantages yield this study's key finding: Although anti-corporate OWS was far larger, with more widespread media coverage, the comparative overall media frame for the small, remote, anti-government MRO was far more potent and resonant. Comparing media-and-movement framing of these distant twin 40-day protest occupations finds some support for the "selling (or underselling) protest" question. This comparative frame analysis helps bridge micro- and macro-theory levels, addressing an enduring dual gap in movement-media research literature -- to yield insight on SMs' and media's respective roles in protest news framing and then identify potential mechanisms for future research.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Communication

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 155 pages. / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: At a glance, journalists and public relations practitioners appear to have a dysfunctional relationship, despite having many professional similarities. Both groups use comparable skill sets in their jobs, including writing, information gathering, and making decisions based on news values. Both groups often work with each other in their professional positions; journalists look to public relations practitioners for sources and news tips, while public relations practitioners look to journalists to help send organizational messages to publics. To better understand the issues of trust in this unique working relationship, ten journalists and ten government public information officers from the Tampa Bay, Florida area were interviewed about their perceptions of the integrity, dependability, and competence of their professional counterparts. Using a coorientational lens, themes derived from the comments of both groups were compared for accuracy and agreement. / ABSTRACT: The results indicated that both journalists and public relations practitioners were slow to generalize positive or negative experiences to other individuals or organizations, and that they mostly understood the professional ethics and motivation of the other occupation. However, once an established trust was broken in a relationship, participants universally described that it could not be regained. By comparing themes between the two groups, the data indicated that there were more issues of true consensus than any other situation. Both journalists and government communicators indicated a mutual respect for their professional counterparts and a shared appreciation for the principle of open government, though the data suggested that the two sides were unaware of this agreement. This exploratory qualitative analysis uncovered several interesting trust-related issues in this unique working relationship, many of which are worthy of additional research and exploration. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Durban, 2001.

The dismissal of General Douglas MacArthur on April 11, 1951, from all of his commands by President Truman furnished the impetus for this survey of editorial opinion and reaction. The newspaper editorial opinion represents five major daily newspapers with broad geographic coverage of the State of Indiana, plus a wide range of political reaction to the topic. The editorial opinion is also representative ofea diverse socio-economic base.Of the five newspapers, the Evansville Courier was one of two that retained a consistently rational outlook toward the American scene during the Truman-MacArthur conflict. It took the position early that the Korean War should not be expanded, that the chance of an expanding war with China was to be avoided. The Courier expressed its dissatisfaction with the Truman foreign policy record, including the loss of China. It supported executive privilege and roundly attacked MacArthur.The Fort Wayne News Sentinel was very conservative, expertly vindictive, and at times somewhat irrational in its editorial opinion. At other times, its tenor was completely opposite. After fighting had been stabilized at the 38th parallel, it advised moving no further north,thus supporting limitation of the war. The News Sentinel supported MacArthur to the hilt and generally, deplored American negotiations and her "cringing" under Russian communism.The Gary Post Tribune's record in regard to the Truman Administration was that it had failed in its Far Eastern foreign policy and that the policy was unclear. It called MacArthur's dismissal unfortunate, but added that the move was supported in the interest of preserving civilian supremacy and the western alliances. Early in the Senate hearings, it applauded the conduct of those proceedings but as they ground on, pleaded for their end. Imploring its readers to rational thinking, the Post Tribune insisted "Cold Reason Must Rule" and deplored the fact that it felt that negotiation was becoming synonymous with appeasement.The Indianapolis Star's production of editorial opinion was prolific, in comparison to the other newspapers. The Star maintained a consistent conservative Republican approach to all issues. The Truman Administration was condemned for loss of the World War II "Pacific victory," for appeasement and defeatism, and for the formulation and execution of its Far Eastern foreign policy. Russia was seen as the real enemy of America, and early in the Korean War, military limitations were supported but later those same limitations were attacked vigorously. The concept of limiting the war was said to encourage further aggression. The Star advocated the protection of executive privilege, and as the Senate hearings progressed, informed its readers that no new information could be gained from the testimony.Of the five newspapers, the Palladium Item was the most reactionary and irrational. Although, at times, emotionalism and an occasional case of irrationality overcame the News Sentinel and Star, the Palladium Item made a steady diet of those "entrees." In describing the toll of American lives in the Korean War, the paper revealed its nature in the editorial, the "Truman Meat Grinder." Allies were seen as worthless and Truman as a "puppet" of England. The paper insisted that Truman's "hatchet-men" were trying to smear the General's character, because he was a "champion" against "traitorous" elements in America.The editorial reaction of the five papers was conservative and condemned the Truman Administration foreign policy, especially in the Far East. The Evansville Courier and the Gary Post Tribune presented well thought-out opinions based on a rational approach to the frustrations of Americans in the Korean War and adherence to the concept of limited war. The Republican newspapers, the Indianapolis Star, the Fort Wayne News Sentinel, and the Richmond Palladium Item, adhered to the Republican condemnation of the Truman Administration.

The outbreak and continued progress of the Irish rebellion of 1641 played a significant role in the birth and development of domestic newsbooks in England between 1641--49. This thesis examines the manner in which these periodicals reported the insurrection to their readers. As relations between king and parliament deteriorated during the winter of 1641--42, the attention awarded to this uprising by these publications helped to ensure that Ireland became a popular concern. Weekly chronicles of Irish affairs continued unabated after the onset of civil war in England. Amid fears that Ireland could be utilized by Charles I in his struggle with Westminster, pro-parliamentary, and subsequently pro-royalist editors employed the rebellion as part of a propaganda war that accompanied armed conflict in all three Stuart kingdoms. Accordingly, this study suggests that a principle stratagem of the newsbooks was not necessarily to communicate news of Irish matters, but more often than not, their motivation lay in manipulating accounts relating to the rebellion in order to wage political combat in England.

Thesis (MA (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) may be described as one of the most important events in the recent South African past. The TRC’s activities included an examination of gross human rights violations between 1960 and 1994, as well as amnesty hearings for those believed to be guilty of human rights violations. In addition, the TRC had to decide on the possibilities for reparations to victims, and had to compile a comprehensive report on the nature of the abovementioned violations. This process was shrouded in controversy. For example, criticism was levelled at the TRC because of the perception that it was intended as a witch-hunt against Afrikaners. The danger of subjectivity was also mentioned often. How was the public kept up to date about the activities of the TRC? The media played an important role in the distribution of information to those who could not readily attend the various hearings of the TRC.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The attacks on New York and Washington on September 11 2001 constituted a singular media event. On the front pages of America's newspapers and in its pre-eminent news magazines unfolded, in the immediate wake of the blitz, a portrayal that uncontroversially legitimised claims to American innocence, fomented moral certitude through parallels with previous wars and anticipated retaliation that would soon enough engulf Afghanistan. Showing, first, that accounts of reality are always social constructions, the "framing" of September 11 in America's press will be evaluated with reference to 122 newspaper front pages, most from September 12, some from the day of the attacks, and two American news magazines. The emergence of a discourse of war will be considered, as well as the perpetuation within and without of the press of dominant views on America's role in the conflict. The extent to which this "popular frame" selectively excluded inconvenient truths is illustrated in critiques of john Pilger and Noam Chomsky, and an assessment of the politics of defining "terror". The analysis is placed within the normative framework of orthodox joumalism ethics, particularly the values of impartiality and objectivity, concluding that, in democracy, a responsible media better serves the public interest through sustained criticism than compliant patriotism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aanvalle op New York en Washington op 11 September 2001 was 'n uitsonderlike mediagebeurtenis. Direk daarna het 'n uitbeelding op die voorblaaie van Amerika se koerante en in twee voorste nuustydskrifte ontvou wat aansprake op Amerikaanse onskuld sonder omhaal sou legitimeer, parallelle met vorige oorloë in die diens van morele daadkragtigheid sou oproep, en wraakaanvalle sou antisipeer wat kort daarna in Afghanistan sou woed. Met as vertrekpunt die argument dat enige weergawe van realiteit 'n sosiale konstruksie is, word die uitbeelding ("framing") van die aanvalle in die Amerikaanse pers op 122 koerantvoorblaaie, hoofsaaklik van 12 September maar insluitend enkeles van die aanvalsdag self, en in twee Amerikaanse nuustydskrifte hier geevalueer. Die ontluiking van 'n oorlogsdiskoers word bekyk, asook die voortsetting binne en buite die media van heersende sienings oor Amerika se rol in die konflik. Die mate waarin hierdie "populêre omraming" ("framing") ongemaklike waarhede selektief uitgesluit het, word aangetoon in critiques van John Pilger en Noam Chomsky, en 'n oorweging van die politiek agter 'n definisie van "terreur". Die analise voltrek in die normatiewe raamwerk van joernalistieke etiek, veral die waardes van onpartydigheid en objektiviteit, en kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat, in demokrasie, 'n verantwoordelike media die openbare belang beter dien deur volgehou kritiek as deur onderdanige patriotisme.