The ability to inhibit a prepotent response is a crucial prerequisite of goal-directed behavior. So far, research on response inhibition has mainly examined these processes when there is little to no cognitive control during the decision to respond. We manipulated the “context” in which response inhibition has to be exerted (i.e., a controlled or an automated context) by combining a Simon task with a go/no-go task and focused on theta band activity. To investigate the role of “context” in response inhibition, we also examined how far theta band activity in the pretrial period modulates context-dependent variations of theta band activity during response inhibition. This was done in an EEG study applying beamforming methods. Here, we examined n = 43 individuals. We show that an automated context, as opposed to a controlled context, compromises response inhibition performance and increases the need for cognitive control. This was also related to context-dependent modulations of theta band activity in superior frontal and middle frontal regions. Of note, results showed that theta band activity in the pretrial period, associated with the right inferior frontal cortex, was substantially correlated with context-dependent modulations of theta band activity during response inhibition. The direction of the obtained correlation provides insights into the functional relevance of a pretrial theta band activity. The data suggest that pretrial theta band activity reflects some form of attentional sampling to inform possible upcoming processes signaling the need for cognitive control.

L’objectif de ce mémoire est de dresser un portrait de l’évolution du recours à la détention provisoire au Québec depuis 2002 jusqu’à 2012, pour ensuite préciser les caractéristiques des personnes prévenues en comparaison à celles détenues tel qu’elles se dessinent en 2012, pour la population générale en détention dans les institutions carcérales de juridiction provinciale au Québec, et pour les populations spécifiques que forment les femmes et les personnes autochtones en regard de leur proportion dans la population générale. Pour ce faire, les tendances actuelles en matière de recours à la détention provisoire sont établies et comparées à celle de 2002. Aussi, un portrait des personnes en détention provisoire au Québec en 2011-2012 est dressé à partir de certaines caractéristiques sociodémographiques et criminelles liées à la détention provisoire selon les écrits précédents sur la question. Ce portrait est comparé à celui des personnes incarcérées dans les mêmes institutions suite à une condamnation à une peine de prison de deux ans moins un jour ou moins. Par la suite, des analyses bivariées sont effectuées dans le but de comprendre la relation entre la détention provisoire et l’issue du processus pénal, qui consiste, dans la présente étude, à la condamnation à une sentence de détention ou une sentence autre des personnes admises en détention provisoire dans un premier temps. Des analyses de régression logistiques viennent préciser quelles variables permettent le plus clairement de prédire l’imposition d’une sentence de détention aux personnes prévenues dans les institutions carcérales provinciales, au Québec en 2012. Les résultats de nos analyses indiquent qu’il y a une surreprésentation des hommes et des Autochtones en détention provisoire au Québec. De plus, certaines caractéristiques sociodémographiques et criminelles se révèlent significativement liées à la condamnation à la détention comme le fait d’être un prévenu d’origine autochtone, de posséder des antécédents judiciaires, d’avoir commis un ou des délits de système et de faire partie d’un groupe criminel. Il s’agit du même coup de bons prédicteurs de l’imposition d’une sentence de prison suivant la détention provisoire. Lorsqu’un individu cumule ces caractéristiques, il fera face à une sentence d’incarcération dans le trois quarts des cas. Finalement, il apparaît que malgré la volonté exprimée de longue date et reprise à l’entrée en vigueur de la Loi C-25 de faire de la détention provisoire une mesure de dernier recours, le recours à cette mesure ne cesse de croître, alors même que la détention découlant d’une condamnation paraît diminuer, ce qui se traduit par un rapport de plus en plus disproportionné entre personnes prévenues et personnes condamnées au sein des prisons du Québec, le ratio jouant en défaveur des personnes prévenues. / The objective of this thesis is to trace a portrait of the evolution of recourse to pretrial detention in Québec from 2002 to 2012, then to specify the characteristics of the defendants in comparison to defendants who are detained as they emerge in 2012, for the general population incarcerated in Québec penal institutions under provincial jurisdiction, for specific populations comprised of women and native peoples in regard to their proportion in the general population. To achieve this, the present tendencies of recourse for pretrial detention are established and compared to those of 2002. Also, a portrayal of detainees awaiting trial in Québec in 2011-2012 is prepared according to certain socio-demographic and criminal characteristics in relation to pretrial detention according to previous written works on the subject. This portrayal is compared to persons incarcerated in the same institutions following a conviction of a prison sentence of two years minus one day or less. Next, bivariate analyses are carried out to further understand the connection between pretrial detention and the outcome of the penal process, which consists, in the present study, of a conviction to a sentence of incarceration or other sentence of persons in pretrial detention at the onset. Analyses of logistic regression help pinpoint which variables allow us to most clearly predict the imposition of a sentence of incarceration to persons detained in provincial penal institutions in Québec for 2012. The results of our analyses indicate that there is an over-representation of men and native peoples in pretrial detention. We also note that certain socio-demographic and criminal characteristics reveal significant connections to a conviction of incarceration, such as being a defendant of native origin, having previous criminal history, having committed one or many systemic offenses, as well as belonging to a criminal group. This is also a good predicative of imposition of a prison sentence following pretrial detention. When an individual accrues these characteristics, he will face a sentence of incarceration in at least three-quarters of cases. Finally, it appears that despite long-standing will expressed and resumption of discussions when Law C-25 came into force to make pretrial detention a last resort measure, recourse to this measure keeps rising, whereas incarcerations resulting from convictions seem to be diminishing. This translates to a report that is more and more disproportionate between persons who are convicted within Québec prisons, the ratio being to the disadvantage of the person being detained in pretrial detention.

Em diálogo com o contexto nacional e internacional de encarceramento em massa e de crise do sistema de justiça penal, os Juizados Especiais Criminais (Jecrims) surgem no Brasil com a dupla tarefa de em um contexto de redemocratização reduzir a complexidade no processamento de conflitos de pequena gravidade, sem deixar de puni-los ainda que levemente. Caracterizados por procedimentos de intervenção mais horizontalizados e flexíveis nos quais se estabelece, em tese, uma troca de interesses entre a justiça penal e as partes em conflito, em favor de uma resposta rápida para a vítima e menos dolorosa para o infrator, esse modo de fazer justiça tem sido chamado de justiça negocial. A partir da etnografia dos Juizados Especiais Criminais de São Bernardo do Campo, a pesquisa buscou compreender os sentidos de punição mobilizados nessas situações de negociação. Constatou-se que essas situações são influenciadas por processos de afirmação de identidades profissionais no campo da justiça, sobretudo a do promotor cujo protagonismo nessas cortes lhes confere uma dinâmica centrada na punição do infrator em detrimento da mediação do conflito. A abordagem etnográfica das audiências também permitiu verificar a predominância de um sistema de atribuição de sanções fortemente marcado por estratégias gestionárias, mas também por finalidades clássicas da pena. Nesse jogo de influências predominam sanções de cunho monetário e a tímida recorrência do trabalho comunitário como forma de punição. Com o intuito de melhor compreender as razões dessa timidez, a pesquisa teve um segundo momento etnográfico dedicado à Central de Penas e Medidas Alternativas de São Bernardo do Campo. Lá foi possível verificar que a reticência em relação a essa modalidade punitiva relaciona-se aos desafios de tornar o serviço comunitário obrigatório uma punição credível para promotores e juízes. Desse modo, conclui-se que o sistema de sanções mobilizado na justiça negocial, uma justiça em princípio alternativa, guarda, mesmo que de maneira leve, uma tradicional semântica do sofrimento. / In dialogue with the national and international contexts of mass imprisonment and criminal justice systems crisis, the Juizados Especiais Criminais (Special Criminal Courts) emerge in Brazil with two scopes: reducing the complexity of minor crimes procedure without stop punishing minor crime even in a soft way. By using horizontal and flexible intervention procedures in which it creates, theoretically, an exchange of interests between criminal justice and conflict parts, favoring a quickly and less painful answer for both parts, this kind of doing justice has been called by bargaining justice. Through ethnography of the Special Criminal Courts of Sao Bernardo do Campo, the research aimed to understand the meanings of punishment mobilized on these bargaining situations. The research revealed that these situations are influenced by the process of affirmation of professional identities in the justice field, especially the prosecutor\'s identity which leadership in these special courts creates a particular dynamic centered on the criminal punishment and not on the conflict mediation. The ethnographic approach of the special courts hearings also made possible verifying the predominance of a system of sanctions attribution characterized substantially by management strategies and also by classical theories of punishment. In this influence play, the forms of punishment that prevail are mainly monetary sanctions and only barely community service. To understand the reasons for the lack of community service application, the research had a second ethnographic moment at the Center of Alternative Punishments and Measures of Sao Bernardo do Campo. Thus, it was possible to verify that the lack of confidence about this kind of punishment is related to the challenges of making the community service mandatory, a reliable punishment for prosecutors and judges. The dissertation concludes that the sanction system mobilized in the bargaining justice, theoretically an alternative justice, keeps a traditional semantic of suffering even in a soft way.

Em diálogo com o contexto nacional e internacional de encarceramento em massa e de crise do sistema de justiça penal, os Juizados Especiais Criminais (Jecrims) surgem no Brasil com a dupla tarefa de em um contexto de redemocratização reduzir a complexidade no processamento de conflitos de pequena gravidade, sem deixar de puni-los ainda que levemente. Caracterizados por procedimentos de intervenção mais horizontalizados e flexíveis nos quais se estabelece, em tese, uma troca de interesses entre a justiça penal e as partes em conflito, em favor de uma resposta rápida para a vítima e menos dolorosa para o infrator, esse modo de fazer justiça tem sido chamado de justiça negocial. A partir da etnografia dos Juizados Especiais Criminais de São Bernardo do Campo, a pesquisa buscou compreender os sentidos de punição mobilizados nessas situações de negociação. Constatou-se que essas situações são influenciadas por processos de afirmação de identidades profissionais no campo da justiça, sobretudo a do promotor cujo protagonismo nessas cortes lhes confere uma dinâmica centrada na punição do infrator em detrimento da mediação do conflito. A abordagem etnográfica das audiências também permitiu verificar a predominância de um sistema de atribuição de sanções fortemente marcado por estratégias gestionárias, mas também por finalidades clássicas da pena. Nesse jogo de influências predominam sanções de cunho monetário e a tímida recorrência do trabalho comunitário como forma de punição. Com o intuito de melhor compreender as razões dessa timidez, a pesquisa teve um segundo momento etnográfico dedicado à Central de Penas e Medidas Alternativas de São Bernardo do Campo. Lá foi possível verificar que a reticência em relação a essa modalidade punitiva relaciona-se aos desafios de tornar o serviço comunitário obrigatório uma punição credível para promotores e juízes. Desse modo, conclui-se que o sistema de sanções mobilizado na justiça negocial, uma justiça em princípio alternativa, guarda, mesmo que de maneira leve, uma tradicional semântica do sofrimento. / In dialogue with the national and international contexts of mass imprisonment and criminal justice systems crisis, the Juizados Especiais Criminais (Special Criminal Courts) emerge in Brazil with two scopes: reducing the complexity of minor crimes procedure without stop punishing minor crime even in a soft way. By using horizontal and flexible intervention procedures in which it creates, theoretically, an exchange of interests between criminal justice and conflict parts, favoring a quickly and less painful answer for both parts, this kind of doing justice has been called by bargaining justice. Through ethnography of the Special Criminal Courts of Sao Bernardo do Campo, the research aimed to understand the meanings of punishment mobilized on these bargaining situations. The research revealed that these situations are influenced by the process of affirmation of professional identities in the justice field, especially the prosecutor\'s identity which leadership in these special courts creates a particular dynamic centered on the criminal punishment and not on the conflict mediation. The ethnographic approach of the special courts hearings also made possible verifying the predominance of a system of sanctions attribution characterized substantially by management strategies and also by classical theories of punishment. In this influence play, the forms of punishment that prevail are mainly monetary sanctions and only barely community service. To understand the reasons for the lack of community service application, the research had a second ethnographic moment at the Center of Alternative Punishments and Measures of Sao Bernardo do Campo. Thus, it was possible to verify that the lack of confidence about this kind of punishment is related to the challenges of making the community service mandatory, a reliable punishment for prosecutors and judges. The dissertation concludes that the sanction system mobilized in the bargaining justice, theoretically an alternative justice, keeps a traditional semantic of suffering even in a soft way.

No description available.

摘要 在知識經濟時代，專利侵權訴訟的重要性與日俱增。面對專利紛爭全球化的趨勢，台灣的專利侵權訴訟機制也需有所變革。其中，最重要也最亟需改善的部分，即是專利侵權訴訟的審前階段。此舉不僅得以落實憲法所保障的程序權，更是營造優良知識經濟環境的必經途徑。 專利侵權訴訟與一般傳統訴訟不同，係為法律面、科技面、管理面三者的結合，具有其特殊性，諸如：訴訟標的之權利範圍非屬明確、具有高度的商業利益色彩、訴訟成本高昂、專業性及科技知識含量高、準備與取證程序繁複、公法與私法交錯的領域等。吾人首應正視上開特性，在無體財產權的法理上，建構異於傳統訴訟的智慧財產訴訟觀。其次，現階段台灣專利侵權訴訟的運作模式，存有若干亟待改善之缺失，包括：法官專業化程度不足、不當使用或依賴鑑定制度、訴訟時程冗長、法院缺乏良善的案件管理、當事人與律師尚未能落實其協力義務、事證蒐集程序未臻精緻等。 欲改善台灣現今專利侵權訴訟的運作缺失，可以從參考美國制度著手。美國現為專利侵權訴訟案件量最多的國家，司法判決所累積的關於如何完善專利訴訟的各種實務見解以及學術文獻討論也最為豐富，周邊制度如律師、專利代理人及專家證人等也最為發達完備。美國專利侵權訴訟亦為民事訴訟之一種，由美國聯邦訴訟規則所規範，受聯邦法院所管轄。第一審為事實審，由聯邦地區法院負責審理，由陪審團或法官作最終的決定。美國專利侵權訴訟的審前程序，最特出的部分是專利權利範圍的界定與事證蒐集程序，並由法官之案件管理貫穿其中。因為審前訴訟的精緻化，加上訴訟成本高昂，美國的專利侵權訴訟案件進入最後審訊程序者不到百分之五，當事人在審前階段即以和解等方式解決紛爭。另外，律師在美國專利訴訟的審前階段也扮演了重要角色。在事證蒐集程序中，律師需協助當事人開示己方的事證，以及解讀、過濾對造所開示的事證；訴訟法規與執業倫理對於違反訴訟義務的律師並賦予相當的制裁。 欲改善台灣專利侵權訴訟的審前程序，首應注重專利權利範圍的界定，並由當事人及律師就專利的有效性與否作論辯攻防。其次，法院應加強案件管理，讓訴訟時程及早確定，並藉由中間裁判的方式將紛爭於審前階段解決。最重要的是，在事證蒐集程序上，可採行美國的事證開示程序，將兩造各自擁有的事證及早揭露，並同時注意當事人秘匿特權的保護。 在日、韓之後，台灣也即將設立智財專業法院，本研究認為，應在訴訟程序上作根本的變革，以符合全球化專利訴訟的需求。在訴訟法理方面，以一元化的審判程序解決專利侵權紛爭、職權調查主義的限縮與排除、客觀舉證責任的緩和等，均是未來立法時值得採納的方向。

Comme les études sur la couverture médiatique ont démontré qu’elle influence pratiquement toute personne qu’elle touche, des consommateurs aux jurés aux témoins, les deux études de cette thèse doctorale ont respectivement examiné l’opinion du public sur l’imposition de restrictions sur les médias dans les palais des justices et l’impact de la couverture médiatique sur la santé mentale des victimes de crime. Le gouvernement québécois a récemment introduit des restrictions sur les médias dans les palais de justice afin de minimiser l’influence des journalistes et des caméramans. Bien que l’affaire a atteint la Cour suprême du Canada, une étude préliminaire a trouvé que le public est largement favorable à ces restrictions (Sabourin, 2006). La première partie de cette thèse doctorale cherchait à approfondir ce sujet avec un échantillon plus représentatif de la population. Deux cent quarante-trois participants comprenant six groupes expérimentaux ont rempli des questionnaires mesurant leur opinion de ces restrictions. Les participants ont été divisé en deux conditions expérimentales où ils ont visionné soit des clips audiovisuels démontrant une atmosphère de débordement dans des palais de justice ou des clips plutôt calmes. Un troisième groupe n’a visionné aucun clip audiovisuel. De plus, il y avait deux versions du questionnaire ayant 20 items où les questions ont été présenté en sens inverse. L’étude a trouvé qu’une grande majorité des participants, soit presque 79 pourcent, ont supporté la restriction des médias dans les palais de justice. Il est intéressant de noter qu’un des groupes n’a pas supporté les restrictions – le groupe contrôle qui a lu les énoncés supportant l’absence des restrictions en premier. La deuxième composante de cette thèse doctorale a examiné l’impact des médias sur les victimes de crime. De nombreuses études expérimentales ont démontré que les victimes de crime sont particulièrement susceptibles à des problèmes de santé mentale. En effet, elles ont trois fois plus de chances de développer un trouble de stress post-traumatique (TSPT) que la population générale. Une étude a confirmé cette conclusion et a trouvé que les victimes de crimes qui avaient une impression plutôt négative de leur couverture médiatique avaient les taux les plus élévés de TSPT (Maercker & Mehr, 2006). Dans l’étude actuelle, vingt-trois victimes de crimes ont été interviewé en utilisant une technique narrative et ont complété deux questionnaires mésurant leur symptômes du TSPT et d’anxiété, respectivement. Une grande proportion des participantes avaient des symptômes de santé mentale et des scores élévés sur une échelle évaluant les symptômes du TSPT. La majorité des narratives des participants étaient négatives. Les thèmes les plus communs incluent dans ces narratives étaient l’autoculpabilisation et une méfiance des autres. La couverture médiatique ne semblaient pas être liée à des symptômes de santé mentale, quoique des facteurs individuels pourraient expliquer pourquoi certains participants ont été favorables envers leur couverture médiatique et d’autres ne l’été pas. Les résultats de ces deux études suggèrent que le public approuve la restriction des médias dans les palais de justice et que des facteurs individuels pourraient expliqués comment la couverture médiatique affecte les victimes de crime. Ces résultats ajoutent à la littérature qui questionne les pratiques actuelles qu’utilisent les médias. / As media coverage has been shown to influence virtually everyone that it reaches, from its consumers to jurors in cases with pretrial publicity to eyewitnesses, the two studies that comprise the present dissertation respectively investigated the public’s opinion on imposing restrictions on the media in courthouses and the impact of media coverage on the mental health of crime victims. The Quebec government recently imposed restrictions on the media in courthouses in order to reduce the interference of journalists and cameramen. While the issue reached the Supreme Court of Canada, the public were found to be largely in favour of these restrictions in a preliminary study (Sabourin, 2006). The first part of this dissertation sought to further investigate this topic with a more representative sample of the population. Two hundred forty-three participants in six experimental groups filled out questionnaires that measured their opinion of these restrictions. There were two conditions with audiovisual clips showing either a media circus-like atmosphere or relatively calm proceedings in Quebec courthouses. A third control group did not view any audiovisual clips. There were also two versions of the twenty-item questionnaire where the questions were presented in reverse order. This study also found overwhelming support for the restrictions; nearly 79 percent of participants supported restricting media presence in courthouses. Interestingly, one experimental group did not – the control group that read statements that supported an absence of restrictions first. The second component of this dissertation examined the impact of the media on crime victims. Crime victims have been shown to be especially susceptible to mental health problems. Indeed, they are three times as likely as the general population to develop Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). One study confirmed this finding and found that crime victims who had negative impressions of the media coverage of their cases had the highest rates of PTSD (Maercker & Mehr, 2006). In the present study, twenty-three crime victims were interviewed using a narrative technique and completed two questionnaires that respectively measured their PTSD symptoms and anxiety. A great proportion of participants were found to have mental health symptoms and high scores on the Impact of Events Scale-Revised (IES-R). The majority of the narratives of these participants were negative. The most common themes included in these narratives were self-blame and suspiciousness of others. Media coverage did not appear to be related to any mental health symptoms, although individual factors may explain why some participants were favourable towards the coverage and others were not. The findings of these two studies suggest that the public approves of restricting media presence in courthouses and that individual factors may explain how media coverage impacts crime victims. These results add to the literature that calls current practices used by the media to gain coverage into question.

Comme les études sur la couverture médiatique ont démontré qu’elle influence pratiquement toute personne qu’elle touche, des consommateurs aux jurés aux témoins, les deux études de cette thèse doctorale ont respectivement examiné l’opinion du public sur l’imposition de restrictions sur les médias dans les palais des justices et l’impact de la couverture médiatique sur la santé mentale des victimes de crime. Le gouvernement québécois a récemment introduit des restrictions sur les médias dans les palais de justice afin de minimiser l’influence des journalistes et des caméramans. Bien que l’affaire a atteint la Cour suprême du Canada, une étude préliminaire a trouvé que le public est largement favorable à ces restrictions (Sabourin, 2006). La première partie de cette thèse doctorale cherchait à approfondir ce sujet avec un échantillon plus représentatif de la population. Deux cent quarante-trois participants comprenant six groupes expérimentaux ont rempli des questionnaires mesurant leur opinion de ces restrictions. Les participants ont été divisé en deux conditions expérimentales où ils ont visionné soit des clips audiovisuels démontrant une atmosphère de débordement dans des palais de justice ou des clips plutôt calmes. Un troisième groupe n’a visionné aucun clip audiovisuel. De plus, il y avait deux versions du questionnaire ayant 20 items où les questions ont été présenté en sens inverse. L’étude a trouvé qu’une grande majorité des participants, soit presque 79 pourcent, ont supporté la restriction des médias dans les palais de justice. Il est intéressant de noter qu’un des groupes n’a pas supporté les restrictions – le groupe contrôle qui a lu les énoncés supportant l’absence des restrictions en premier. La deuxième composante de cette thèse doctorale a examiné l’impact des médias sur les victimes de crime. De nombreuses études expérimentales ont démontré que les victimes de crime sont particulièrement susceptibles à des problèmes de santé mentale. En effet, elles ont trois fois plus de chances de développer un trouble de stress post-traumatique (TSPT) que la population générale. Une étude a confirmé cette conclusion et a trouvé que les victimes de crimes qui avaient une impression plutôt négative de leur couverture médiatique avaient les taux les plus élévés de TSPT (Maercker & Mehr, 2006). Dans l’étude actuelle, vingt-trois victimes de crimes ont été interviewé en utilisant une technique narrative et ont complété deux questionnaires mésurant leur symptômes du TSPT et d’anxiété, respectivement. Une grande proportion des participantes avaient des symptômes de santé mentale et des scores élévés sur une échelle évaluant les symptômes du TSPT. La majorité des narratives des participants étaient négatives. Les thèmes les plus communs incluent dans ces narratives étaient l’autoculpabilisation et une méfiance des autres. La couverture médiatique ne semblaient pas être liée à des symptômes de santé mentale, quoique des facteurs individuels pourraient expliquer pourquoi certains participants ont été favorables envers leur couverture médiatique et d’autres ne l’été pas. Les résultats de ces deux études suggèrent que le public approuve la restriction des médias dans les palais de justice et que des facteurs individuels pourraient expliqués comment la couverture médiatique affecte les victimes de crime. Ces résultats ajoutent à la littérature qui questionne les pratiques actuelles qu’utilisent les médias. / As media coverage has been shown to influence virtually everyone that it reaches, from its consumers to jurors in cases with pretrial publicity to eyewitnesses, the two studies that comprise the present dissertation respectively investigated the public’s opinion on imposing restrictions on the media in courthouses and the impact of media coverage on the mental health of crime victims. The Quebec government recently imposed restrictions on the media in courthouses in order to reduce the interference of journalists and cameramen. While the issue reached the Supreme Court of Canada, the public were found to be largely in favour of these restrictions in a preliminary study (Sabourin, 2006). The first part of this dissertation sought to further investigate this topic with a more representative sample of the population. Two hundred forty-three participants in six experimental groups filled out questionnaires that measured their opinion of these restrictions. There were two conditions with audiovisual clips showing either a media circus-like atmosphere or relatively calm proceedings in Quebec courthouses. A third control group did not view any audiovisual clips. There were also two versions of the twenty-item questionnaire where the questions were presented in reverse order. This study also found overwhelming support for the restrictions; nearly 79 percent of participants supported restricting media presence in courthouses. Interestingly, one experimental group did not – the control group that read statements that supported an absence of restrictions first. The second component of this dissertation examined the impact of the media on crime victims. Crime victims have been shown to be especially susceptible to mental health problems. Indeed, they are three times as likely as the general population to develop Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). One study confirmed this finding and found that crime victims who had negative impressions of the media coverage of their cases had the highest rates of PTSD (Maercker & Mehr, 2006). In the present study, twenty-three crime victims were interviewed using a narrative technique and completed two questionnaires that respectively measured their PTSD symptoms and anxiety. A great proportion of participants were found to have mental health symptoms and high scores on the Impact of Events Scale-Revised (IES-R). The majority of the narratives of these participants were negative. The most common themes included in these narratives were self-blame and suspiciousness of others. Media coverage did not appear to be related to any mental health symptoms, although individual factors may explain why some participants were favourable towards the coverage and others were not. The findings of these two studies suggest that the public approves of restricting media presence in courthouses and that individual factors may explain how media coverage impacts crime victims. These results add to the literature that calls current practices used by the media to gain coverage into question.

我國緩起訴制度於2002 年制定，立法者於立法時已明文緩起訴係立基於訴訟經濟之目的，以及預防被告再犯之特別預防之刑事政策為出發。而緩起訴制度自2002 年施行至今約莫13 年，是否確能落實當年立法者所預期達成之目的，有效達成被告再犯預防之特別預防目的？或反而因為附條件緩起訴存在太過便利，附條件緩起訴之相關指示與負擔選擇多元且包羅萬象，而忽視制度本身原應該追求的目的？對於制度之目的產生問題後，因我國立法時參考的外國法制為日本的起訴猶豫制度，在日本法上起訴猶豫制度之運用是否也有類似的問題？而因緩起訴制度為一種刑事政策之轉向處分，美國法制上亦有性質類似的審前轉向原則，是否有得以參考的地方？所謂「他山之石，可以攻錯」，若想要達成緩起訴預防再犯之功能，以外國法制作為借鏡下，有無可提供我國法制得以參考的地方？在這樣的思考脈絡下，最後提出本文的一點想法以及參考。 本文希望藉由檢討目前實務上緩起訴之運作狀況，以預防被告再犯之立法初衷為著力點，探討在現行法制下附條件緩起訴之應然面與實然面之落差，並以外國法制作為借鏡，提出緩起訴制度重新思考的方向與建議。期使未來實務上檢察官在作成附條件緩起訴處分時，能夠從預防被告再犯的角度出發，思考附條件緩起訴「應該」要達到怎樣的效果，並藉由參考外國法制之程序上配套措施，相關配套之引進必要性與可能性之探討，希冀附條件緩起訴能夠發揮達到預被被告再犯之目的與效果。

La législation actuelle permet la prise en compte du temps de détention présentencielle dans la détermination de la peine. Le paragraphe 719(3) du Code criminel encadre la comptabilisation du crédit sur la peine de ce type de détention. Depuis l’entrée en vigueur de la Loi sur l’adéquation de la peine et du crime en 2010, le Code criminel stipule que le juge doit appliquer un crédit de un jour sur le temps de la peine pour chaque jour passé en détention présentencielle. Un maximum d’un jour et demi pour chaque jour de détention présentencielle peut être accordé lorsque les circonstances le justifient. Cette loi, qui s’inscrit dans un durcissement des politiques pénales, apporta un resserrement législatif en circonscrivant le pouvoir judiciaire quand au calcul du crédit pour le temps déjà passé sous garde. L’objectif de l’étude est de comprendre l’application et l’interprétation de la Loi sur l’adéquation de la peine et du crime par les acteurs judiciaires entre 2010 et 2016. Pour ce faire, une analyse d’arrêts de la Cour du Québec et de l’arrêt Summers (2014) de la Cour Suprême du Canada a été réalisée. Les motifs évoqués par les juges quant au calcul du crédit ont été mis en lumière. Il ressort que les conditions de vie en détention présentencielle et que le comportement de l’accusé appuient les décisions des juges. En effet, les résultats de l’étude indiquent que la difficulté des conditions de détention est un motif qui contribue à l’octroi d’un crédit majoré. Ce motif repris par les juges fait appel à un argument de la jurisprudence antérieure aux changements législatifs de 2010. De plus, le « mauvais comportement » de l’accusé peut amener les juges à calculer le crédit à la baisse. Nous concluons que les acteurs judicaires ont résisté face à la politique pénale de 2010, mais aussi qu’une sévérité pénale teinte le calcul du crédit. / Current legislation allows for pre-sentence detention time to be taken into account in sentencing. Subsection 719 (3) of the Criminal Code regulates the accounting of the credit for the penalty for this type of detention. Since the Truth in Sentencing Act came into force in 2010, the Criminal Code stipulates that the judge must apply on the sentence a one-day credit for each day spent in pre-sentence detention. A maximum of one and a half days for each day of pre-sentence detention may be granted when the circumstances warrant. This law, which would be part of a punitive turn of criminal policies, brought in legislative tightening by circumscribing the judicial power when calculating the credit for the time already spent in custody. The objective of this study is to understand the application and interpretation of the Truth in Sentencing Act by judicial actors between 2010 and 2016. To do so, an analysis of judgments of the Court of Quebec and R.v. Summers (2014) of the Supreme Court of Canada has been carried out. The reasons given by the judges for the calculation of the credit have been highlighted. It appears that the living conditions in pre-sentence detention and that the behavior of the accused support the judges' decisions. Indeed, the results of the study indicate that the difficulty of the remand conditions is a reason which contributes to the granting of increased credit. This reason taken up by the judges draws on an argument from the case law prior to the legislative changes of 2010. In addition, the “bad behavior” of the accused may lead the judges to calculate the credit downwards. From this, we conclude that the judicial actors partly resisted the penal policy of 2010, but also that a penal severity tints the calculation of the credit.