Yet, Kam Hon. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 128-134). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese; appendixes includes Chinese.

This research explores the mechanisms through which farmers in contemporary China might stage successful environmental protests by studying the Huazhen Incident. The author argues that the Huazhen farmers' success in forcing the local government to close the heavily-polluting industrial park can be accounted for by their having successfully aligned an anti-pollution frame with an anti-corruption one, employing the formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures, and creatively developing opportunities for group participation by senior villagers. These three processes empowered Huazhen farmers and constrained the repressive power of the local state as follows: First, environmental issues in Huazhen were entangled with various other social problems. Issue entrepreneurs effectively integrated farmers' multiple grievances through bridging the anti-pollution and anti-corruption frames. Secondly, Huazhen farmers creatively used formal village social organizations as mobilizing structures. By embedding a village-wide mobilization of anti-pollution protest into the village committee election process and by employing the Society of Senior Villagers to mobilize the elderly, the Huazhen protest enjoyed the support of the majority of villagers, as well as the main force of the senior villagers necessary for a breakthrough. Thirdly, farmers in Huazhen both employed existing opportunities and developed new ones, making full use of the formalistic opportunities provided by the local government. Most importantly, the farmers in Huazhen strategically explored the group-specific opportunities of the elderly for constraining state power through the weapons of the weak. During the early stages of the protest, the power of the weak forced the local government to appeal to emotion work instead of repression in order to demobilize the protesters. While officials were doing this, the elderly were protesting with a strategic dramaturgy of moderate extremism, which served to further mobilize the farmers and garner support from the general public. Confronting the moderate but persistent protests of the elderly, the local government switched to repression. Excessive repression, however, failed to control the protests. Worse still, such repression gave farmers the moral high ground. Farmers in Huazhen utilized the protest spectacle as an alternative media and turned the protest base into a direct theatre, broadcasting their protest and sensitizing the public by making them bear witness to state oppression, thereby deconstructing the official discourse of the repression. The protest of farmers in Huazhen ultimately triggered intervention from higher-level authorities, which forced the local state to make a full concession: closing the entire industrial park. / 鄧燕華. / Adviser: Lianjiang Li. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-01, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 175-190). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Yanhua.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in Afrikaans and English / 'n Groep Afrikaners onder leiding van die Afrikanervolksf ront bet voor die algemene verkiesing in 1994, hulle aktief teen die veranderinge in Suid-Afrika verset op grond van oenskynlik religieuse motiewe. Hulle bet hulle op die morele gesag van Johannes Calvyn (1509 - 1564) beroep vir hulle uitgangspunte en wyse van protes. In hierdie studie is die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes in 1994 vergelyk met die uitgangspunte en media van protes soos wat Calvyn dit verwoord en toegepas bet. In die proefskrif is eerstens gekyk na die rol wat religie en ideologie in die samelewing vervul en daar is veral gekonsentreer op die onderskeid wat Jacques Ellul tref tussen outentieke geloof en godsdiens in diens van 'n ideologie. Tweedens is die historiese ontwikkeling van Afrikanemasionalisme en die Calvinistiese onderbou daarvan ondersoek. Derdens is 'n kort oorsig oor die Reformasie en 'n lewensbeskrywing van Johannes Calvyn voorsien. Indie vierde plek is die uitgangspunte en media van protes, soos verwoord deur Calvyn, beskryf. 'n Model vir protes is op grond van Calvyn se standpunte afgelei. Vyfdens is Afrikanerprotes voor die 1994-verkiesing beskryf en aan die hand van Calvyn se standpunte beoordeel. In die laaste hoofstuk word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes nie voldoen aan die eise wat Calvyn vir protes stel nie. Dit blyk ook dat in die geval van Afrikanerprotes, godsdiens as kommunikasiemedium in 'n ideologiese rol aangewend is. Laastens word enkele voorstelle vir verdere navorsing gemaak. / Prior to the general election in 1994, a group of Afrikaners under the leadership of the Afrikanervolksfront actively resisted the changes in South Africa on the grounds of apparant religious motives. They invoked the moral authority of John Calvin (1509-1564) for their convictions and manner of protest. In this study there is a comparison of the views and media of the Afrikaner protest in 1994 with the views and media of protest as expressed and applied by Calvin. The thesis begins with a consideration of the role played in society by religion and ideology, concentrating particularly on the distinction drawn by Jacques Ellul between authentic faith and religion in the service of an ideology. Then, the historical development of Afrikaner nationalism and its Calvinistic substructure are examined. Thirdly, there is a short account of the Reformation and the life of John Calvin. The fourth endeavour is to elucidate the views and media of protest, as expressed by Calvin. A model for protest is derived from the study of Calvin's beliefs. Fifthly, there is a description of Afrikaner protest before 1994, based on Calvin's convictions, and judged in terms of his views. The last chapter arrives at the conclusion that the premises and media of Afrikaner protest do not comply with the requirements for protest set by Calvin. Moreover, it appears that, int the case of Afrikaner protest, religion was used as a medium of ideological communication. The thesis concludes with several suggestions for further research. / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

Cette thèse porte sur les dernières années du pouvoir de Moubarak, et tente de se situer en dehors des théorisations politiques dominantes qui ont eu trop souvent tendance à qualifier le régime égyptien comme étant stable. La période sélectionnée (2002 – 2010) est pertinente afin de réinterroger cette stabilité puisque cette « séquence » de l'évolution du régime de Hosni Moubarak permet de mettre l'accent sur les différentes mutations et interactions qui se produisent au sein du système politique, et qui remettent en question l'idée de stabilité, ou encore celle de la « consolidation autoritaire » (Camau, 2005). La problématique centrale de cette thèse cherche à montrer à travers une observation des dynamiques créées, par l'entrée en politique de Gamal Moubarak, en d'autres termes l'irruption d'une « situation de succession » prolongée, comment se recompose la scène oppositionnelle, comment se redéfinissent les « libéralisations » ou encore, comment se mettent en œuvre les protestations. Ainsi, cette thèse vise à mettre en évidence les facteurs dérangeant la stabilité du régime de Moubarak, en d'autres termes, à tester les limites de la « consolidation autoritaire » lorsque celle-ci concorde avec une « situation de succession ». Ce travail de recherche a été alimenté par une réflexion autour de certaines contradictions entre les observations empiriques (l'enquête de terrain) et les cadres théoriques dominants de la recherche politologique sur l'Égypte qui, grosso modo, reflétaient une stabilité du régime Moubarak. Il se situe en dehors de ces approches dans la mesure où la construction de mon objet d'étude s'est déroulée au-delà des axes sur-étudiés, et autour d'axes sous-étudiés. En d'autres termes, ce travail place le curseur loin d'une focalisation sur le régime et ses stratégies, sur la dichotomisation de la scène politique entre le Parti national démocrate (le parti dirigeant depuis la fin des années 1970) et les Frères musulmans, et s'éloigne d'une trame qui considère ces derniers comme étant les seuls acteurs politiques qui comptent. En effet, cette recherche a voulu mettre en évidence le rôle des acteurs de la politique contestataire, leur impact sur la transformation du régime, mais aussi la capacité des mouvements contestataires de produire des « générations politiques » de jeunes militants qui se positionnent en dehors du spectre de la « stabilité ». Autrement dit, en portant l'attention sur des terrains négligés, comme ceux de la protestation, ainsi que les acteurs qui y ont recours, cette thèse cherche à mettre en évidence les facteurs de déstabilisation, aussi limités soient-ils, qui sont apparus dans la gestion par le régime politique de certaines situations ou lors de certains événements durant la période étudiée ; facteurs de déstabilisation gênants pour la stabilité du régime, et observables autour de terrains électoraux, mais surtout protestataires. / This thesis deals with Mubarak's last years in power, using an approach that is distinct from mainstream political theories that have too frequently qualified the Egyptian regime as stable. The selected period (2002-2010) is particularly relevant for reconsidering the regime's stability. This phase in the evolution of the Mubarak regime was one of multiple transformations and interactions which occurred within the political system, questioning the idea of stability or of “authoritarian consolidation”(Camau, 2005). Through observation of the dynamics initiated by Gamal Mubarak's entry onto the political scene – i.e. the emergence of a prolonged “succession phase” – the main focus of this thesis is to demonstrate how the oppositional scene has evolved, how “liberalisation” has been redefined, and how protests have been carried out. Thus, this thesis aims to highlight the factors that disturbed the stability of the Mubarak regime, and thereby, to test the limits of “authoritarian consolidation” when it is coupled with a succession phase. This research has been fuelled by reflection about certain contradictions between empirical observations made through fieldwork, and the mainstream theories of political science research on Egypt, which have stressed the stability of the Mubarak regime. My approach is differentiated from these theories, as it is based on under-used research orientations, not dominant, frequently-used ones. Thus, the focus of this thesis is not on the regime and its strategies, or the bipolarization of the political arena, between the ruling National Democratic Party and the Muslim Brotherhood, and it does not rely on a framework in which these two political protagonists are treated as the only ones that matter. Instead, emphasis is given to analysis of the role of actors of protest politics, their impact on the transformation of the regime, as well as protest movements' ability to produce “political generations” of young activists positioned outside the spectrum of “stability.” By focusing attention on neglected arenas, such as that of protest, and their protagonists, this thesis highlights the destabilizing factors – as limited as they may be – which appeared during particular events or in the context of regime management of certain situations, between 2002 and 2010. These destabilizing factors, which proved to be a hindrance to the maintenance of regime stability, were observed in connection with the electoral field, but also specifically in the protest field.

Ad hoc social movement coalitions are made up of diverse groups that come together to maximise the use of limited resources. Once formed, they face a dilemma. Coalition logic holds that given the limited time frame and instrumental objectives of the organisation, resources should be disproportionately invested in the visible sphere of action. However, this instrumental emphasis ignores the need to invest resources in the 'submerged' sphere of membership intercommunication. As a result tensions which have their root in divergent ideologies, traditions and histories of resistance can threaten the coalition's collective identity. This thesis is about one such organisation, the No! To APEC (NTA) coalition, one of three groups that made up the movement to oppose the APEC Economic Leader's Meeting in Vancouver held in November 1997. NTA, made up of small leftwing grassroots groups, built a campaign around resistance to "imperialist globalisation." It organised community education, an international conference and a march and rally. Although it succeeded in meeting its objectives, a fracture occurred between the largest and most consolidated member group and the other unconsolidated grouping made up of individuals and representatives of small organisations. The fracture caused a disconnection between the local and the international priorities set by the organisation at its outset. In this study I examine the process that led to this outcome. In particular I identify the importance of establishing a capacity for reflexively monitoring the actions and interactions of members. While consensus is not a pre-requisite for solidarity, disputes arising from different perspectives and membership tactics may jeopardise organisational unity. Providing a limited space for evaluating conflicting validity claims and organisational dynamics may help to preserve unity during the active phase of a coalition's mobilisation. The methods used to obtain data for this study were participant observation and interviewing. I spent six months as an activist-researcher with the coalition and I interviewed activists from the three main APEC opposition groups. Although the main focus of this study is on the political and organisational evolution of the NTA coalition, I broaden the discussion to argue that ad hoc coalitions play an important role in generating 'social capital' or 'social movement connectivity.' Social solidarity generated in the course of short-term political action increases the potential for further action mobilisation in social movement networks and communities. In the final part of the thesis I review literature on globalisation and social movements. Combined with what has been learned about coalitions in the previous chapters, this exercise provides a context for examining the APEC opposition movement and, by extension, the prospects for building transnational movements and a counter-hegemonic historical bloc against imperialist globalisation.

This paper advances a theoretical construct entitled "neoliberal globalization" to explain the transformations in state form since the late 1970s which have been inspired by neoliberalism, an ideology privileging market mechanisms for capital accumulation and social organization. The essay will then examine the phenomenon of Canada's and Quebec's integration into the North American and the hemispheric economies since the mid-1980s. The following section will focus on the impact of neoliberal globalization on Quebec's idiosyncratic modalities of state organization and social integration. Lastly, the essay will investigate a transnational resistance movement in the Americas opposing neoliberal hemispheric integration, as well as recent mutations on Quebec's social and political left. The growth of cross-border coalitions opposing the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA) and transformation of left politics in Quebec will be accounted for by reviewing theories of social movement internationalism.

This thesis explores the meaning of "youth" and the political mobilisation of young people in key moments of crisis in Europe. Between 2005 and 2011, youth became critical for the consolidation of the authoritarian regime structures in Russia. I show that this process included the restructuring of the discourse about youth, the physical mobilisation of young people, and the isolation of oppositional youth. How valid are these findings for regime crises more generally? I answer this question through an analysis of the breakdown of the authoritarian Soviet Union during perestroika, the breakdown of unconsolidated democracy during the last years of the Weimar Republic, and the crisis of the democratic regime in France around 1968. The cross-regional and cross-temporal comparison of these episodes demonstrates that regimes lacking popular democratic support compensate for their insufficient legitimacy by trying to mobilise youth symbolically and politically. By developing a new method of textual analysis which combines qualitative content analysis and network analysis, the thesis offers a novel social science perspective on the meaning of youth in the four cases. My study shows how discursive structures about youth condition the possibility of political mobilisation of young people. The thesis makes three contributions to comparative politics. First, on an empirical level, my study offers new insights into social movements at moments of regime crisis in different political settings. Second, on a conceptual level, I refine our understanding of the symbolic significance of the terms "youth" and "generation" in moments when society is reorienting itself. I also examine the significance of "crisis" and argue that the term expresses openness and the possibility to remake the past and future. Third, on a methodological level, my thesis builds on the growing interest in textual analysis by developing a novel multi-level approach in three linguistic contexts, which offers insights into the structure of public discourse and the actors involved.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in Afrikaans and English / 'n Groep Afrikaners onder leiding van die Afrikanervolksf ront bet voor die algemene verkiesing in 1994, hulle aktief teen die veranderinge in Suid-Afrika verset op grond van oenskynlik religieuse motiewe. Hulle bet hulle op die morele gesag van Johannes Calvyn (1509 - 1564) beroep vir hulle uitgangspunte en wyse van protes. In hierdie studie is die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes in 1994 vergelyk met die uitgangspunte en media van protes soos wat Calvyn dit verwoord en toegepas bet. In die proefskrif is eerstens gekyk na die rol wat religie en ideologie in die samelewing vervul en daar is veral gekonsentreer op die onderskeid wat Jacques Ellul tref tussen outentieke geloof en godsdiens in diens van 'n ideologie. Tweedens is die historiese ontwikkeling van Afrikanemasionalisme en die Calvinistiese onderbou daarvan ondersoek. Derdens is 'n kort oorsig oor die Reformasie en 'n lewensbeskrywing van Johannes Calvyn voorsien. Indie vierde plek is die uitgangspunte en media van protes, soos verwoord deur Calvyn, beskryf. 'n Model vir protes is op grond van Calvyn se standpunte afgelei. Vyfdens is Afrikanerprotes voor die 1994-verkiesing beskryf en aan die hand van Calvyn se standpunte beoordeel. In die laaste hoofstuk word tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat die uitgangspunte en media van Afrikanerprotes nie voldoen aan die eise wat Calvyn vir protes stel nie. Dit blyk ook dat in die geval van Afrikanerprotes, godsdiens as kommunikasiemedium in 'n ideologiese rol aangewend is. Laastens word enkele voorstelle vir verdere navorsing gemaak. / Prior to the general election in 1994, a group of Afrikaners under the leadership of the Afrikanervolksfront actively resisted the changes in South Africa on the grounds of apparant religious motives. They invoked the moral authority of John Calvin (1509-1564) for their convictions and manner of protest. In this study there is a comparison of the views and media of the Afrikaner protest in 1994 with the views and media of protest as expressed and applied by Calvin. The thesis begins with a consideration of the role played in society by religion and ideology, concentrating particularly on the distinction drawn by Jacques Ellul between authentic faith and religion in the service of an ideology. Then, the historical development of Afrikaner nationalism and its Calvinistic substructure are examined. Thirdly, there is a short account of the Reformation and the life of John Calvin. The fourth endeavour is to elucidate the views and media of protest, as expressed by Calvin. A model for protest is derived from the study of Calvin's beliefs. Fifthly, there is a description of Afrikaner protest before 1994, based on Calvin's convictions, and judged in terms of his views. The last chapter arrives at the conclusion that the premises and media of Afrikaner protest do not comply with the requirements for protest set by Calvin. Moreover, it appears that, int the case of Afrikaner protest, religion was used as a medium of ideological communication. The thesis concludes with several suggestions for further research. / Communication Science / D.Litt. et Phil. (Communication Science)

Submitted by Maria de Lourdes Mariano (lmariano@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-18T11:20:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria de Lourdes Mariano (lmariano@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-18T11:21:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria de Lourdes Mariano (lmariano@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-18T11:22:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T11:22:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PINHEIRO_JUNIOR_Ari_2016.pdf: 64249028 bytes, checksum: 174206f50c95ac571bf1a0f3a8358de6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / This dissertation is the result of empirical monitoring of political demonstrations where young people expressed through the Black Bloc tactic. It is a participant observer report. Seeks, in acts of street protests and social networking sites, how is the construction of knowledge and realities of these young people. Seeks to understand the political forces opposing the idea of autonomous organization that tracks youth social movements and collective action close to the fans of tactical Black Bloc. Analyzes the pages of Brazilian mass media, the dispute the meaning of the 2013-2014 protests among the ultra-liberal discourse, government supporters and revolutionaries. This research follows the steps of how was built the historical image of the Black Bloc in the national press and proposes a historical script to its spectacular appearance in Brazilian media in June 2013. The research seeks to understand the contemporary scene of street protests across narratives gathered in demonstrations against the FIFA World Cup 2014 and interviews marked the tactical fans in their living spaces. Part of this work an audiovisual documentary, edited with scenes observed in fieldwork. / Esta dissertação é resultado do acompanhamento empírico de manifestações políticas onde jovens se expressavam através da tática Black Bloc. É um relato observador participante. Procura, nos atos de protestos de rua e nos sites de rede social, como se dá a construção de saberes e realidades destes jovens. Busca compreender as forças políticas contrárias a ideia de organização autonomista que acompanha a juventude dos movimentos sociais e ações coletivas próximos aos adeptos da tática Black Bloc. Analisa, nas páginas da mídia de massa brasileira, a disputa do significado dos protestos de 2013-2014 entre os discursos Ultraliberais, Governistas e Revolucionários. Esta pesquisa segue os passos de como foi construída a imagem histórica da Black Bloc na imprensa nacional e propõe um roteiro histórico até de seu aparecimento espetacular nas mídias brasileiras em junho de 2013. A pesquisa procura compreender o cenário contemporâneo dos protestos de rua através de narrativas recolhidas nas manifestações contra a Copa do Mundo da FIFA 2014 e em entrevistas marcadas com adeptos da tática em seus espaços de convivência. Faz parte deste trabalho um documentário audiovisual, editado com cenas observadas no trabalho de campo.

Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T15:32:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Padua_DaniloDestro_M.pdf: 851556 bytes, checksum: 7abffeb056882ad1557d48b627090983 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Este trabalho faz uma análise das transformações políticas ocorridas na Argentina no período de 1989-2001. Ocorreram mudanças no movimento peronista e na condução da política econômica no período da ditadura militar (1976-1983) e governo de Raúl Alfonsín (1983-1989) que foram se aprofundando durante o governo de Carlos Menem. Essas mutações se relacionam com o surgimento do movimento dos piqueteros e novas formas de ação política da sociedade Argentina que tiveram seu auge durante as jornadas da chamada crise de 2001. / Abstract: Not informed. / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História