This thesis explores what Telford Taylor called the “ethos of Nuremberg” and how it shaped antiwar resistance during the Vietnam War in the United States. The Vietnam War was a monumental event in the twentieth century and the conflict provided lawyers, academics, activists, and soldiers the ability to question the legality of the war through the prism of the Nuremberg Principles, the various international treaties and U.S. Constitutional law. As many legal scholars and historians have lamented, the Cold War destroyed hopes for the solidification of an international court empowered to preside over questions of war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. In the absence of cooperation among the international community, the antiwar movements in the United States and around the world during the Vietnam War utilized these legal instruments to form what I call a war crimes movement from below. A significant component of this challenge was the notion that individual citizens – draft noncooperators, military resisters, tax resisters, and the like – had a responsibility under the Nuremberg Principles to resist an illegal war. In the numerous United States military interventions after World War II, none had been challenged as openly and aggressively as the war in Vietnam. As this thesis will demonstrate, the ideas that crystallized into action at Nuremberg played a major role in this resistance.

This thesis examines the political activism of Hong Kong youths known as the Post-80s. In contrast to dominant discourse in Hong Kong claiming that these youths are driven by economic concerns, based on 18 months of fieldwork, I suggest that the Post-80s are instead striving to reimagine what politics means as a part of life in the postcolonial city. It is emphasised that youths are 'protesting' as an act of rejecting mainstream politics, and as a means to realise their desire for a different form of politics to emerge in the city. By bringing youth voices to the forefront, this thesis addresses two broad themes - why and how the Post-80s protest. The thesis first provides an overview of Hong Kong politics, arguing that youths express a deep sense of dissatisfaction towards the political culture in society dictated by financial interests, and towards the hierarchical structures within the political domains that stifle the public voice. The thesis then reviews how the Post-80s challenge these conditions by positing a form of alternative politics predicated on individualistic self-representation manifesting through the self, body, and space. I look at youth claims that becoming political is an 'individual choice', and the ways in which their strong sense of individuality interacts with/counteracts the limitations on their political participation imposed by familial ties and gender roles. I then explore Post-80s attempts to dispel bodily passivity in protests through the incorporation of performance art into their political actions to empower the individual activist, and analyse youth attempts to reconfigure urban space into political sites of individualistic experimentation. The conclusion reviews the impact Post-80s activism has had on the realpolitik of the city, noting the inherent contradictions within the political efforts of the Post-80s and their limited ability to inflict widespread structural changes in Hong Kong politics.

CAPES / O ano de 2013 é marcado pelo ascenso de manifestações de rua massivas no Brasil, bem como do reaparecimento da ideologia anarquista em meio aos movimentos sociais, junto da ação direta. Diferentes modalidades de ação direta foram vistas nas ruas. Este trabalho tem por finalidade a compreensão das relações existentes entre as representações de mundo dos anarquistas e seu modelo de prática política: a ação direta. Partimos da hipótese de que as diferentes formas de ação direta, que se encontram dispostas nas distintas correntes do anarquismo, refletem diferentes representações de ciência e tecnologia presentes nesse movimento político, variando de noções deterministas a noções sociotécnicas. Para verificação de tais elementos, realizaram-se pesquisas de campo e entrevistas durante o ano de 2016, na cidade de São Paulo, visando contemplar as distintas correntes do anarquismo. Como resultado deste esforço de pesquisa, defrontamo-nos com um anarquismo que possui dissensos internos, porém, estes são menores que sua confluência, visto que há um padrão de representação de ciência e tecnologia anarquista. Nesse sentido, tal pesquisa reforça o anarquismo como uma corrente que possui noções e perspectivas claras, alinhavadas com seus princípios, teoria e práticas. / The year of 2013 is marked by the rise of massive street demonstrations in Brazil, as well as the reappearance of anarchist ideology within the social movements, along with direct action. Different modalities of direct action were seen in the streets. This work aims to understand the relationships between the anarchist world representations and their mode of political practice and direct action. Our hypothesis is that the different forms of direct action, that are arranged in the different currents of the anarchism, reflect different representations of science and technology, present in this political movement, that range from deterministic to sociotechnical notions. To verify these elements, field surveys and interviews were conducted during the year of 2016 in the city of São Paulo, aiming to contemplate the different currents of anarchism. As a result of this research effort, we face an anarchism that has internal dissensions, but these are less important than its confluence points, thus, a standard of anarchist science and technology representation underlies the movement. In this sense, therefore, such research reinforces anarchism as a current that its own notions and perspectives, which are aligned with its principles, theory and practices.

CAPES / O ano de 2013 é marcado pelo ascenso de manifestações de rua massivas no Brasil, bem como do reaparecimento da ideologia anarquista em meio aos movimentos sociais, junto da ação direta. Diferentes modalidades de ação direta foram vistas nas ruas. Este trabalho tem por finalidade a compreensão das relações existentes entre as representações de mundo dos anarquistas e seu modelo de prática política: a ação direta. Partimos da hipótese de que as diferentes formas de ação direta, que se encontram dispostas nas distintas correntes do anarquismo, refletem diferentes representações de ciência e tecnologia presentes nesse movimento político, variando de noções deterministas a noções sociotécnicas. Para verificação de tais elementos, realizaram-se pesquisas de campo e entrevistas durante o ano de 2016, na cidade de São Paulo, visando contemplar as distintas correntes do anarquismo. Como resultado deste esforço de pesquisa, defrontamo-nos com um anarquismo que possui dissensos internos, porém, estes são menores que sua confluência, visto que há um padrão de representação de ciência e tecnologia anarquista. Nesse sentido, tal pesquisa reforça o anarquismo como uma corrente que possui noções e perspectivas claras, alinhavadas com seus princípios, teoria e práticas. / The year of 2013 is marked by the rise of massive street demonstrations in Brazil, as well as the reappearance of anarchist ideology within the social movements, along with direct action. Different modalities of direct action were seen in the streets. This work aims to understand the relationships between the anarchist world representations and their mode of political practice and direct action. Our hypothesis is that the different forms of direct action, that are arranged in the different currents of the anarchism, reflect different representations of science and technology, present in this political movement, that range from deterministic to sociotechnical notions. To verify these elements, field surveys and interviews were conducted during the year of 2016 in the city of São Paulo, aiming to contemplate the different currents of anarchism. As a result of this research effort, we face an anarchism that has internal dissensions, but these are less important than its confluence points, thus, a standard of anarchist science and technology representation underlies the movement. In this sense, therefore, such research reinforces anarchism as a current that its own notions and perspectives, which are aligned with its principles, theory and practices.

近年来，针对就业和就学中遭遇歧视的困境，中国乙肝携带者发起一场要求消除歧视、维护合法权益的抗争运动。为什么乙肝携带者就业歧视问题在中国如此显著？面对国家和市场这两大最具权势的系统，公民社会将何以对抗？本文旨在从社会学的视角对这场“将‘乙肝’去除"的运动进行解读。 / 本文采用个案研究方法，以北京益仁平中心为主要研究对象，围绕 “乙肝"在中国的建构和重构过程，将研究聚焦于三个方面：第一，乙肝污名化过程以及国家、市场中的话语权；第二，反乙肝歧视维权运动的条件和动员机制；第三，“将‘乙肝’去除"中的政治和权力话语三角。 / 本文从社会运动理论中的资源动员、政治机会结构和框架理论出发解读中国乙肝携带者的维权运动；将运动中的微观景象与宏观社会结构结合起来，考察影响乙肝携带者维权运动的主要因素以及运动的动员机制。研究伊始分别从国家和市场两个领域审视乙肝歧视问题在中国的建构过程，阐明乙肝污名化是政府权威以及市场中医药商和医学权威共谋下的合力作用，从而为乙肝携带者反歧视抗争运动的后续研究选择一个合适的立足点。笔者在案例中发现，组织在维权运动中将乙肝携带者群体动员起来，采取有效的策略，充分利用其在资源获得方面的优势、建立乙肝维权组织网络、善于把握时机营造政治机会空间、并能够吸纳律师和媒体的专业力量是维权行动能取得成功的重要因素。 / 组织在维权行动中的话语框架对运动的发展至关重要。乙肝携带者群体对组织运动框架的认同是动员成功的基础；掌握定义“乙肝"的主动权、运动领袖的可信性、框架话语表达的日常化、与媒体的良好关系等策略有助于框架在动员中与参与者、旁观者产生共鸣；抗争精英通过话语框架为抗争活动提供合法性。 / 反乙肝歧视维权运动可以看作是一个“将‘乙肝’去除"的“去污名化"运动。一方面，中央政府与地方政府有着各自自主性利益；另一方面，乙肝携带者群体内部就抗争形式也难以统一，这两种分裂情况交叉形成了一个围绕“将‘乙肝’去除"的，以规则、效益和权利为话语的权力三角，支撑反歧视行动的抗争空间。权力三角的多变性决定去除“乙肝"的行动是有策略的、冒险的，但却相对稳定。 / Hepatitis B Virus carriers (HBVers) have launched series social movements targeting at eliminating discriminations against HBVers in job market and promoting fair employment in recent decade of years. Why does nowhere match the HBV discrimination in such country like China? How is contentious politics possible when the powerless engage in struggles with power holders, like state and market in China? The thesis attempts to learn the intricacies of body politics with sociological approaches. / Yirenping, a NGO located in Beijing, is selected as research object in this case study. Concentrating on the political nature of the HBV confrontations, this thesis is comprised of three parts: first, the stigmatization of HBV in China; second, tactics and strategies that employed against the system of discrimination; third, the politics of “Removing HBV" and the power triangle among state, market and civil society. / The analysis of the HBV movement is informed by three sociological theories of social movements: resource mobilization, political opportunity structure and framing, meanwhile macro structure and micro interaction are combined. It is postulated that this disease discrimination in China occurs when confronting an entrenched stigmatization conjoined from both state and market dedicated to keeping the HBVers excluded and marginalized, which serves as a departure point for further analysis of the struggles for power against this discrimination. Resources mobilized, leaderships and organizations, networks among HBVers and outside supporters, strategies in mobilization positively facilitate the anti-discrimination movements. Utilizing the institutional advocacies as well as informal networks with officials, NPC & CPCCC delegates open more political opportunities within the preexisting political environment. / Framing is essential to the movement mobilization. Identifying closely with the visions and missions in movements, the self conceptualization of HBV-discrimination, charismatic leaders, the everyday narrative of the frame, as well as strategic media coverage help promoting resonance among movement participants and standers-by. Framing strategies provide legitimacy for HBV selves in collective movements. / Finally, the thesis came to the conclusion that anti-discrimination-against-HBVers social movements in China can be interpreted as a process of struggle to “Removing HBV" power. Central government and local ones have their autonomies and interests respectively, while weak but observed divisions in protesting strategies also exist within the HBVers, which shape a triangle of power struggles among the dominant and dominated groups. The power triangle is flexible, and the “Removing HBV" movements are strategic, risk-taking, while being routinized. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 郭娜. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 137-156) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Guo Nuo. / 中文摘要 --- p.i / 英文摘要 --- p.ii / 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 乙肝：作为医学问题和作为社会问题 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1 --- 作为医学问题的乙型肝炎及其全球地理分布 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2 --- 乙型肝炎在中国 --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3 --- 作为社会问题的乙肝歧视 --- p.8 / Chapter 1.4 --- 研究方法 --- p.10 / Chapter 1.5 --- 小结 --- p.14 / Chapter 第二章 --- 研究问题与文献回顾 --- p.15 / Chapter 2.1 --- 社会运动理论的发展脉络 --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2 --- 认同与社会运动的动员 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3 --- 中国底层社会与维权抗争研究回顾 --- p.24 / Chapter 2.4 --- 中国反乙肝歧视运动的分析框架 --- p.26 / Chapter 2.5 --- 小结 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章 --- 政府与入职体检 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.1 --- 新中国成立之初的公共卫生政策 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2 --- 中国人事制度改革和公务员职业声望 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3 --- 体检标准与强制乙肝检测 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4 --- 小结 --- p.47 / Chapter 第四章 --- 市场话语权与定义“乙肝" --- p.49 / Chapter 4.1 --- 市场中的虚假广告 --- p.50 / Chapter 4.2 --- 体检经济 --- p.54 / Chapter 4.3 --- 医药商与医学权威 --- p.56 / Chapter 4.4 --- 小结 --- p.58 / Chapter 第五章 --- 乙肝携带者的个人经验 --- p.61 / Chapter 5.1 --- 疾病的社会建构 --- p.62 / Chapter 5.2 --- 乙肝携带者的认知过程 --- p.66 / Chapter 5.3 --- 乙肝携带者的抗争选择 --- p.68 / Chapter 5.4 --- 小结 --- p.74 / Chapter 第六章 --- 从个体经验到集体行动：公民社会的回应 --- p.76 / Chapter 6.1 --- 从个人困境到集体行动 --- p.76 / Chapter 6.2 --- 反乙肝歧视运动中的资源动员 --- p.80 / Chapter 6.3 --- 反乙肝歧视组织网络 --- p.82 / Chapter 6.4 --- 反乙肝歧视运动中的机会空间 --- p.86 / Chapter 6.5 --- 小结 --- p.90 / Chapter 第七章 --- 框架策略：反乙肝歧视运动中的动员 --- p.91 / Chapter 7.1 --- 认同与社会运动 --- p.91 / Chapter 7.2 --- 反乙肝歧视运动的行动框架 --- p.95 / Chapter 7.3 --- 反乙肝歧视运动的动员策略 --- p.100 / Chapter 7.4 --- 小结 --- p.107 / Chapter 第八章 --- 身体的政治：将“乙肝"去除 --- p.108 / Chapter 8.1 --- 权力的维度 --- p.108 / Chapter 8.2 --- 反乙肝歧视行动的抗争轨迹 --- p.111 / Chapter 8.3 --- 国家、市场与公民社会：将“乙肝"去除 --- p.116 / Chapter 8.4 --- 小结 --- p.130 / Chapter 第九章 --- 总结与讨论 --- p.131 / 参考文献 --- p.137 / Chapter 附录A --- 访谈提纲 --- p.157 / Chapter 附录B --- 64名被访者基本信息概况 --- p.160 / 致谢 --- p.162

自2003年始，反坝运动席卷中国，被誉为“第一次公众参与开始影响中国工程决策"。相关研究多将之归功于中国近年来迅猛发展的公民社会与NGO力量。但在金沙江边村落，却出乎意料地形成可持续的、无（正式）组织及去精英化、本土民众自主广泛参与的反坝集体行动，并成功令当地水坝建设中止至今。本个案的独特性，无法单独通过社会运动或底层抗争理论对中国集体抗争的分析，而得到解释。 / 在中国特殊政治环境下，尤其在严重缺乏自组织空间的底层乡土社会，农民广泛参与的集体抗争如何得以成为可能？带着这一问题，本研究整合社会运动研究和底层抗争研究两种理论框架，以实践论引领下的拓展个案研究法为研究方法论，对金沙江-虎跳峡流域的反坝集体行动展开深入研究。 / 论文首先还原当地反坝抗争的真实经历以及底层行动者的实践逻辑，并通过对抗争的政治机会空间拓展、组织动员、框架与意义建构等三个关键过程深入分析，探讨集体行动的内在特征及发生机制。 / 本论文发现：在全国反坝热潮背后，金沙江边逐渐形成一类独特的、既由本土社区主导又与全国性的反坝社会运动接壤的、多元去中心化的新型底层抗争生成机制/模式。三种结构性生成力量在背后起到关键作用：一是本土性社会文化因素；二是介入本土社区并与之发生紧密互动的外界公民社会力量；三是国家力量（包括“抽象国家"与“具体国家"）的影响及其与本土的互动。 / 以上因素在型塑独特的本土集体抗争模式的同时，也在底层乡村社区催生一批本土中层集体行动者骨干，推动广泛、具有潜在秩序的草根民众的“公民性"参与，孕育出更富于弹性、更多元异质的社会力以及本土化的公民社会行动空间，由此产生的底层自下而上的变革动力，有可能超越此前公民社会组织主导的社会运动与封闭乡村社区内相对无组织无序的底层抗争的两分，为中国底层变迁乃至公民社会发展预示新的路向。 / Recent anti-dam movements in quasi-authoritarian China have triggered unprecedented public debate. Most existing researches focus on professional NGOs, intellectuals, media and other high-profile civil society forces, and propose an exogenous elite-driven model for understanding the movement and ensued social changes. / However, the Jinsha River anti-dam protest revealed a different picture: endogenously grown and widely participated activism is blooming in the local communities, in the absence of formal movement organizations and without the leadership of outside NGOs. It is such local activism, working together with civil society forces from outside, that successfully blocked the dam construction. / How could such indigenous activism with broad participation emerge within the highly restricted political space of contemporary China? To answer this question, I propose an integrated approach combining the perspectives of the social movement literature and the resistance studies. The major research methodology is the Extended Case Method (ECM) based on the Theory of Practice. / This thesis firstly attempts to describe the generative process of local anti-dam protest activism and the practical logic of indigenous activists from a bottom-up perspective. It analyzes the key processes of political opportunity structure extension, resource mobilization, and meaning construction in the indigenous anti-dam movement, trying to understand its unique characteristics, dynamics and mechanisms. / The study finds that the Jinsha River case is characterized by a distinct activism model which is endogenously driven, with highly decentralized participation from diverse sectors in the local community, and also influenced by the interactions between the local protest and national anti-dam movement. In particular, I discuss three sets of factors that are crucial in shaping the process: a) the local social-cultural contexts and conditions, b) the interaction between the local community and outside civil social forces in the anti-dam movement, c) the state-society relationship in the indigenous community. / These factors contribute to the emergence of a model of local activism which transcends the conventional dichotomy of movement leaders and rank and file members, and relies instead on a large “middle layer of activists that are from diverse sectors of the local community. It may point to a path for going beyond both the elitist NGO-lead social movement model and the model of disorganized social resistance in closed rural communities, and shed light on some new potential of Chinese social change from below as well as the development of Chinese civil society. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 周雁. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 222-226) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhou Yan. / 致 谢 --- p.iv / 中文摘要： --- p.vi / Abstract of thesis entitled : --- p.vii / Chapter 1 --- 前言：研究背景及研究问题的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- 引子：3.21群体事件 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- 研究的背景：从本土底层抗争到全国反坝运动 --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3. --- 研究问题: --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- 文献综述与理论回顾 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- 理论视野之一： 西方集体行动/社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- 美国社会运动理论 --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- 新的理论发展 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2. --- 理论视野之二：抗争研究 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- 农民的日常反抗理论 --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- 依法抗争理论及中国学者的进一步拓展 --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3. --- 中国反坝集体行动的现有研究： --- p.17 / Chapter 2.4. --- 社会运动研究与抗争研究的差异与整合 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.1. --- 两种理论进路的差异 --- p.21 / Chapter 2.4.2. --- 本研究面临的特殊情境 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4.3. --- 整合及研究理论框架的提出 --- p.25 / Chapter 3 --- 研究方法论及研究方法 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1. --- 研究方法论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.1. --- 研究方法论的理论基础：实践理论 --- p.29 / Chapter 3.1.2. --- 具体研究方法论：拓展个案法 --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2. --- 研究方法及参与式行动研究者的自我反思 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- 研究方法 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- 参与式行动研究者的自我定位及反思 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3. --- 研究田野点：金沙江边乡村社区简介 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.4. --- 论文结构 --- p.45 / Chapter 4 --- 江边底层反坝抗争故事及过程分析 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1. --- 江边底层反坝抗争过程回顾 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- 风云乍起：反坝外部动员及本土精英崭露头角 --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- 从葬礼到清明：变故催生的内外结盟与江边动员 --- p.52 / Chapter 4.1.3. --- 本土自主底层抗争模式的发端：罢村官事件及其他 --- p.62 / Chapter 4.1.4. --- 外来者的“在场"和助推 --- p.69 / Chapter 4.1.5. --- 本土自主抗争的深化：文艺队及其他公共参与的尝试 --- p.75 / Chapter 4.1.6. --- 厚积薄发：联名信的万人签署及上京 --- p.85 / Chapter 4.1.7. --- 高潮：3.21万人群体事件 --- p.91 / Chapter 4.1.8. --- 后反坝时期 --- p.103 / Chapter 4.2. --- 小结与回顾：江边反坝抗争的过程机制 --- p.108 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- 政治机会结构的拓展过程 --- p.109 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- 组织与动员过程 --- p.111 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- 框架与意义建构过程 --- p.112 / Chapter 4.2.4. --- 小结：三个过程的相通之处 --- p.113 / Chapter 5 --- 结构性因素之一：江边乡民社会的本土性因素 --- p.115 / Chapter 5.1. --- 江边本土行动者认同与惯习的形成及分化 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.1. --- 共享的“江边"认同及江边人的行为惯习 --- p.116 / Chapter 5.1.2. --- 江边多元分化的身份认同及行动惯习 --- p.119 / Chapter 5.1.3. --- 小结：不同结构性因素及条件的协同作用 --- p.134 / Chapter 5.2. --- 江边反坝行动者分层及其对抗争动力机制的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- 对反坝政治机会结构的影响 --- p.137 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- 对反坝框架和意义建构的影响 --- p.139 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- 对组织和动员模式的影响 --- p.145 / Chapter 6 --- 结构性因素之二：外界公民社会力量的介入及内外互动 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.1. --- 外界力量的显性效果：底层议题的公共化 --- p.150 / Chapter 6.2. --- 外界力量介入的“多元去中心"化及效果 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- 外界力量的类别 --- p.154 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- 不同外来者的差异、碰撞与制衡 --- p.156 / Chapter 6.2.3. --- 外界介入的多元分殊化和去NGO化 --- p.158 / Chapter 6.2.4. --- 长期影响 --- p.162 / Chapter 6.3. --- 内外互动中的差异、分歧及潜在冲突 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.1. --- 差异的显现：认同与反坝框架建构 --- p.164 / Chapter 6.3.2. --- 对底层运作和“本土性"理解的隔阂 --- p.165 / Chapter 6.3.3. --- 背后的结构性因素 --- p.169 / Chapter 6.4. --- 小结 --- p.170 / Chapter 7 --- 结构性因素之三：国家力量的本土呈现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1. --- 本土行动者与“抽象国家"之间 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.1. --- 江边人的国家观及其体现 --- p.173 / Chapter 7.1.2. --- 被动应对：去“政治"化与去“国家"化 --- p.175 / Chapter 7.1.3. --- 积极对策：合法正当性的建立 --- p.176 / Chapter 7.2. --- 本土行动者与“具体国家"之间 --- p.180 / Chapter 7.2.1. --- 国家的本土代理人的分层 --- p.181 / Chapter 7.2.2. --- 本土行动者与国家代理人间的特殊互动模式 --- p.183 / Chapter 7.3. --- 理论对话及小结 --- p.190 / Chapter 8 --- 结论和进一步讨论 --- p.194 / Chapter 8.1. --- 底层集体行动如何得以产生 --- p.195 / Chapter 8.2. --- 底层反坝抗争的潜在产出及潜在长远影响 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.1. --- 底层行动者的改变：本土“公民性的形成与创新 --- p.198 / Chapter 8.2.2. --- “本土"的再发掘与重建：社区力量的创新整合 --- p.200 / Chapter 8.2.3. --- 中国新社会力及公共参与空间的拓展与建构 --- p.202 / Chapter 8.2.4. --- 对国家社会关系及中国社会变迁的长期潜在影响 --- p.203 / Chapter 8.3. --- 前瞻：潜在隐患及可能走向 --- p.205 / Chapter 附录一： --- 江边村民的诉求 --- p.208 / 2005清明扫墓活动村民面对NGO和媒体发言节选 --- p.208 / Chapter 附录二： --- 公开呼吁信 --- p.212 / Chapter （一） --- 中国河网：留住虎跳峡、留住长江第一湾 --- p.212 / Chapter （二） --- 金沙江沿岸村民呼吁：坚决不让悲剧在金沙江重演！ --- p.214 / Chapter 附录三 --- 万人联署意见书 --- p.217 / 关于“滇中调水"和虎跳峡电站高坝给国务院的意见书 --- p.217 / 参考文献 --- p.222

現有的媒體－抗爭互動機制研究，其結論多是主流媒體傾向非法化、瑣碎化社會運動。但針對威權語境中的媒體－抗爭互動現象，這一論點不再適用。本研究通過2009年廣州番禺反建垃圾焚燒廠事件，探究地方媒體與草根環境運動在與政府協商公共議題時，形成何種互動機制。本文以公共性概念為理論起點，以參與式公共性與可視性公共性這兩種模式作為分析工具，來理解媒體與運動的實踐及其互動。 / 本研究使用多種方法考察事件發展過程，同時試圖建構出媒體－運動的互動機制。主要研究材料包括媒體文本、新聞從業者與抗爭居民的口頭和書面陳述。本文用內容分析方法考察媒體如何再現抗爭居民與當地政府的話語鬥爭，以及新聞框架如何發展演變。研究者與20位新聞從業者與抗爭居民進行深度訪談，以瞭解其行動的目的、策略與束縛，並探索雙方如何理解與評價自身、對方與社會語境。 / 本文的主要貢獻，是通過考察威權語境中的媒體－運動的互動實踐現象來豐富原有的公共性概念。研究發現雙方形成了深度互動、平等、共存的關係。首先，媒體的報道使與抗爭相關的公共論述得以生成、發展、充實。多角度的媒體報道涵蓋了環保與民主參與等話題，由此挑戰了官方對抗爭的打壓式論述。其次，在運動的架構過程中，抗爭居民創造出媒介互動策略，具體表現為抗爭者認識到傳統媒體記者所受的束縛，並與其合作突破這種束縛。他們同時也使用新媒體平台直接動員公眾展開集體行動。最後，新聞從業者發展出抗爭新聞劇目的生產機制，使得抗爭事件停留於報端，令抗爭者成為公共論述的參與者。新聞從業者在追求職業認同與獨立時還借用抗爭的概念，將其用作由下至上新聞改革的資源。 / 以上發現表明，媒體與社會運動作為社會行動者，其互動機制中體現出一種具有建構性與矛盾性的公共性。通過這一媒介化的抗爭事件，雙方發展出針對官方論述的話語抗爭，使得原本屬於越軌範疇的抗爭話語得以進入可公開爭議的合法範疇，由此得以重新界定公開話語空間中的意識形態邊界。 / Existing studies of media-movement interaction have argued that mainstream media tends to illegitimize and trivialize social movements. However, when applied to the newly emerged media-movement interactions in the context of an authoritarian regime, such argument becomes untenable. This study takes an anti-incinerator event taken place in Panyu, Guangzhou in 2009 as its foci of investigation. It examines how local media and the grassroots environmental movement cooperatively negotiated public issues with the government. The concept of publicity and two models of publicity (participatory publicity and visibility publicity) will be introduced. These two models will be used as analytical tools to understand the practice of and the interaction between the media and the movement. / Methodologically, this study adopts multiple methods to trace the process of the event and model the media-movement interaction mechanism. This research constructs the case by analyzing the media texts, together with both oral and written accounts of the journalists and the activists. Content analysis is employed to measure how the media represent the discursive struggles between local residents and local government, as well as how the media frames have evolved during the event. In-depth interviews have been conducted with 20 activists and journalists to explore their intentions, strategies and constraints. Questions were also asked about how they understand and evaluate themselves, each other and the social context. / The primary significance of this study is to explore how the notion of publicity is enriched by the dynamics of the media-movement interaction mechanism within an authoritarian context. The findings demonstrate that both parties have developed an increasingly interactive, equal and co-dependent relationship with one another. First, public discourses surrounding the movement have emerged and survived through the cooperation between journalists and activists. The media has developed diversified reporting angles covering not only environmental issues but also notions of democratic participation that challenged the suppressive official discourse. Second, during the framing process of the movement, the activists have invented an interactive media strategy that helped to break the constraints of journalistic practice within traditional media organizations. Meanwhile, they also adopted new media platforms to directly mobilize for collective action. Third, the journalists have developed a “journalistic repertoire of contention by which they successfully kept the story staying in the newspaper and incorporated the protesters’ voice into the public discussion. Moreover, while in search of their professional identity, the journalists also borrowed the idea of protest as a resource for the bottom-up media transformation. / The above findings suggest that the notion of publicity constructed by the media-movement interaction in this study could be described as constructive and inconsistent. Against the official discourse, journalists and activists have collaborated on the discursive contention by means of the mediated event. By doing so, the previously marginalized “deviant contentious discourse was allowed to enter into the sphere of legitimate controversy, while the ideological boundaries of the public discursive space were also redefined. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 鄧力. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-149). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Deng Li. / Chapter 第1章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 案例描述與研究對象介紹 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.1 --- 案例描述 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.2 --- 研究對象 --- p.3 / Chapter 1.1.3 --- 研究對象關係圖 --- p.6 / Chapter 1.2 --- 論文的結構 --- p.8 / Chapter 第2章 --- 理論框架與研究問題 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1 --- 關於媒體與抗爭政治的互動機制的文獻綜述 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- 媒體與衝突的關係機制 --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- 民主社會語境下的媒體與社會運動關係研究 --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- 威權社會語境下的媒體與社會運動關係研究 --- p.16 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- 本文研究路徑 --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2 --- 理論框架及研究問題 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- 理論旅行：情境視角下的公共性概念 --- p.20 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- 公共性概念的發展及其雙重屬性 --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- 研究問題 --- p.31 / Chapter 第3章 --- 研究方法 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1 --- 案例描述 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- 案例背景 --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- 第一階段：內部動員及組織化抗爭 --- p.35 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- 第二階段：廣泛動員階段 --- p.36 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- 第三階段：遊行事件及以後 --- p.38 / Chapter 3.2 --- 個案研究設計 --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3 --- 數據類型與分析層次 --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- 整體事件分析 --- p.41 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- 兩種政治及其互動機制的分析 --- p.42 / Chapter 3.4 --- 研究實施 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- 架構分析方法與實施 --- p.43 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- 深度訪談方法與實施 --- p.50 / Chapter 第4章 --- 抗爭事件的媒體呈現 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1 --- 媒體再現：對媒體文本的定量框架分析報告 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- 主體資格(standing)與框架(framing)指標的對比 --- p.55 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- 爭奪媒體框架：框架發展與框架鬥爭 --- p.57 / Chapter 4.2 --- 媒體話語的邊界：關鍵事件的文本分析 --- p.66 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- 反腐敗話語的擴展 --- p.66 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- 未被報道的抗爭 --- p.70 / Chapter 4.3 --- 小結：媒體話語的可視性公共性和參與式公共性 --- p.73 / Chapter 第5章 --- 環保抗爭政治的話語策略--框架轉換與媒體使用 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1 --- 環境抗爭政治的框架轉換 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- 背景：環保運動與轉型社會 --- p.75 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- 框架轉換與提升：從鄰避運動到環保運動 --- p.77 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- 作為話語策略的框架轉換 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2 --- 抗爭政治與媒體 --- p.82 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- 抗爭政治與傳統媒體的互動策略 --- p.83 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- 抗爭政治的新媒體使用 --- p.89 / Chapter 5.3 --- 小結：作為媒介化公民的環保抗爭者 --- p.96 / Chapter 第6章 --- 媒體公共性的建構--抗爭新聞劇目與媒體轉型政治 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1 --- 抗爭新聞劇目的概念、表現與生產機制 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1.1 --- 媒體與抗爭政治：以事件為中介的互動模式 --- p.99 / Chapter 6.1.2 --- 製造抗爭新聞劇目：抗爭事件對新聞實踐的形塑 --- p.103 / Chapter 6.1.3 --- 以事件為中介累積機制的特點、意義及其局限性 --- p.111 / Chapter 6.2 --- 尋求媒體公共性的媒體轉型政治：“一場重新公共化的運動 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- 概念提出：媒體轉型政治 --- p.117 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- 抗爭政治如何作用於媒體轉型政治的“類社會運動實踐 --- p.119 / Chapter 6.3 --- 小結:兩種公共性模式之外的互動實踐 --- p.125 / Chapter 第7章 --- 總結與討論 --- p.128 / Chapter 7.1 --- 威權語境中媒體－抗爭的互動機制 --- p.128 / Chapter 7.1.1 --- 可視性公共性模式下的互動模式 --- p.129 / Chapter 7.1.2 --- 參與式公共性模式下的互動模式 --- p.130 / Chapter 7.1.3 --- 媒體轉型政治與抗爭政治深層互動機制 --- p.131 / Chapter 7.2 --- 威權語境中公共性的建構 --- p.133 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- 公共性的建構性 --- p.133 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- 公共性的矛盾性 --- p.134 / Chapter 7.3 --- 研究意義、研究不足與研究建議 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3.1 --- 公共性建構模式的可推廣性 --- p.135 / Chapter 7.3.2 --- 公共性建構模式的局限性 --- p.136 / Chapter 7.3.3 --- 對未來研究的建議 --- p.137 / 參考書目 --- p.139

In South Africa, the right to protest is under constant threat as a result of the state response. Increasing cases of forceful policing and sometimes unlawful procedural prohibitions of protest attest to this. This study aims to firstly describe this situation through securitisation theory, essentially arguing that South Africa has become a securitised state. It also aims to understand how this is sustained by the state and why the state needs to use a securitised response to maintain power. Interviews were conducted with members of different communities and organisations. Their responses helped to illustrate the frustration of the right to protest or brutal policing during a protest. This provided primary evidence to support the claims of the study. The research shows that claims to protest are being delegitimised under the guise of security as protestors are being constructed as threats to the state. This is further substantiated by looking at how the reorganisation and remililtarisation of the South African Police perpetuates the criminalisation of protestors which necessitates a forceful response from the state. Furthermore, it shows that there is a distinct relationship between the prohibition of protest and the recent increase in ‘violent’ protests which legitimate forceful policing thereby creating a state sustained cycle of violence. The larger implication of this treatment is that these protestors are treated as non- citizens who are definitively excluded from participating in governance. In understanding why this is taking place, it is clear that a securtitised response is an attempt to maintain power by dispelling any threats to power, a response which is seen to have a long history in the African National Congress (ANC) when examining the politics of the ANC during exile. Maintaining power in this way distracts from the larger agenda of the state, which this thesis argues, is to mask the unraveling of the ANC’s hegemony and inability to maintain national unity. In other words, the increasing dissatisfaction of some of the citizenry which has manifested through protest greatly undermines the legitimacy of the government to provide for its people.

Abstracts in English and Nyanja / Violent community protests are a common occurrence in South Africa ever since democracy. The aim of the study was to determine teachers’ views on the impact of violent community protests in a specific high school. Ineffective municipality leadership led to violent community protests which disrupted schooling activities. A qualitative design and one case study was employed in this study, and data were collected using individual interviews, observation and document analysis. Differences in ethnicity between community members and lack of service delivery were the cause of community protests. The study revealed that vandalising and burning down schools affect teachers’ ability to work. This study contributes to the body of knowledge to create safer learning environments in South African schools. Recommendations were made on how the community could work together and strengthen their relationship in protecting their schools’ assets. / U gwalaba ha vhadzulapo ho no tou vha kutshilele kwa misi fhano Africa Tshipembe u bva tshe ra wana mbofholowo. Ngudo heyi i amba nga ha toduluso ya migwalabo ino kwama vhadededzi musi vha tshikoloni. Migwalabo yone zwavhudi vhudi i kwama zwihulwanesa mbekanya mishumo ya tshikolo na uri ina masala ndo itwa asiya vhudi kha tsireledzo ya vhadededzi. Dzi tsedzuluso nga mutodisi wa dzi ngudo o nanga vha imeleli vhane vha do thusa kha unea vhutanzi nga ha thaidzo heyi. Kha vha imeleli uya nga ha dzi ngudo ho nangiwa vhatanu na muthihi. Nga u fhambana ha mirafho kha vhadzulapo, zwi sumbedza uri ndi tshinwe tsha zwiitisi kha uswa ha zwikolo zwinzhi Vuwani. U sa vha na nyandano na u sa pfana vhukati ha vha dzulapo zwi disa migwalabo ine ya thithisa vhadededzi na vhana zwikoloni. Dzi tsedzuluso dzo wana uri u fhisiwa ha zwikolo zwi shela mulenzhe ka ku shumele kwa Vha-dededzi. Ho themendeliwa uri vhadzulapo kha vha farisane, vha shume vhothe, vha vhe na vhuthihi kha u tsireledza ndaka ya tshikolo. / Educational Studies / M. Ed. (Socio-Education)

À l’ère du militantisme digital, il est fréquent d’apercevoir des militants se placer en tant que porte parole sur différents champs de bataille au fil du temps. Dans ce contexte, la légitimité de leurs prises de position est questionnée par le tribunal médiatique. Là où certains dénoncent un opportunisme politique, nous avançons la thèse selon laquelle une multitude d’éléments peuvent motiver les changements de champs d’action militants visibles. C’est pourquoi la recherche présentée vise à mettre en lumière les processus influençant les transitions d’engagements militants au travers des mouvements sociaux protestataires. Pour ce faire, des entretiens semi-directifs ont été menés auprès de 8 militants alors actifs au sein de la mouvance opposée aux mesures sanitaires. Dans cette démarche, le récit des participants et un calendrier de vie ont été combinés dans un protocole d’enquête narrative biographique. Finalement, les données d'entretiens collectées ont été analysées à l'aide d'une méthode de théorisation ancrée s'appuyant sur un cadre théorique mobilisant la perspective du parcours de vie. Cette méthode a permis de montrer que les expériences influençant les trajectoires militantes diffèrent selon les modalités de transitions ; c’est-à-dire selon si elle s’effectue entre des groupes contestataires au sein d’un même mouvement, ou entre des mouvements défendant des causes différentes. Les résultats ont montré que les transitions d’engagements entre groupes contestataires peuvent être influencées par des insatisfactions liées aux stratégies d’actions ; alors que les transitions d’engagement actif entre deux mouvements protestataires peuvent être expliquées, soit (a) par un cumul d’engagement survenu suite à l’apparition d’un événement imprévu induisant une priorité d’action, soit (b) par une stratégie visant à faire perdurer les rétributions de la carrière militante au moment du déclin du mouvement alors investi. Par ailleurs, ce projet de recherche contribue plus généralement à expliquer les expériences ayant motivé des transitions d’engagements militants selon les propos des acteurs de cet objet d’études, dont 5 leaders du mouvement opposé aux mesures sanitaires. / In the age of digital activism, it's common to see activists positioning themselves as spokespersons on different battlefields over time. In this context, the legitimacy of their positions is questioned by the media tribunal. Where some denounce political opportunism, we put forward the thesis that a multitude of elements can motivate visible changes in activist fields of action. For this reason, the research presented here aims to shed light on the processes influencing transitions in activist commitment through social protest movements. To this end, semi-directive interviews were conducted with 8 activists then active within the movement opposed to health measures. In this approach, the participants' narratives and a life calendar were combined in a biographical narrative survey protocol. Finally, the interview data collected were analyzed using a grounded theorizing method based on a theoretical framework mobilizing the life-course perspective. This method enabled us to show that the course influencing militant trajectories differs according to the modalities of transitions, i.e. whether they take place between protest groups within the same movement, or between movements defending different causes. The results show that transitions of commitment between protest groups can be influenced by dissatisfaction with action strategies ; whereas transitions of active commitment between two protest movements can be explained either (a) by an accumulation of commitment following the appearance of an unforeseen event inducing a priority for action, or (b) by a strategy aimed at maintaining the rewards of the activist career at the time of the decline of the movement then invested. In addition, this research project contributes more generally to explaining the experiences that motivated militant transitions in activist commitments according to the words of the actors in this object of study, including 5 leaders of the movement opposed to health measures.