At the dawn of democracy, the ANC led government inherited an economy with wide spread socio-economic imbalances and geo-spatial challenges. Since 1994, policies have been put in place to try and close the gap between the haves and the have nots in society. It is twenty years on, and significant in-roads have been made towards improving the lives of the masses. Twenty years has not been enough time however, to eliminate the remnants of the oppressive regime. Since 2004, there has been a steady rise in the number of service delivery protests witnessed across the country. The masses of the poor are showing their dissatisfaction with the slow pace of change and development. Service delivery protests as they are known are community protests driven primarily by complaints around inadequate basic service provision. These protests have however been proven to be about a variety of other complaints against municipalities. These include: lack of proper housing, inadequate job opportunities, and allegations of nepotism, fraud and corruption against municipal officials and a general feeling of alienation from the structures of democracy. These inadequacies and frustrations are compounded in the case of informal settlements, where the most basic of services are scarce. The City of Johannesburg has one hundred and eighty four informal settlements, which present the city with major service provision challenges. A substantial amount of research has been done on the causes of service delivery protests and yet a gap exists in terms of literature on the impact of these on development. The main aim of this study was therefore to determine the impact of service delivery protests on development in the Zandspruit informal settlement. The research was carried out in the form of unstructured and semi-structured interviews with the Ward Councillor for Zandspruit (which is in Ward 114, Region C of the City of Johannesburg), the Ward Administrator, Ward Committee as well as members of the community. The findings of the study show a community in distress, with little or no access to basic services such as water and sanitation. The housing challenges in the area are representative of some of the worst housing challenges faced by the city. Lack of communication and a general distrust between the ward councillor and her ward committee make for very poor ward governance. The apparent apathy shown by the municipality is alarming. The pace of development in Zandspruit is incredibly slow, and not even the often violent service delivery protests witnessed in the area have improved the situation.

Cette thèse porte sur les documentaires qui, en Espagne, se situent à mi-chemin entre l’engagement militant et le désengagement politique. Notre recherche s’est orientée vers des films minoritaires susceptibles de prendre le contrepied des représentations timides des problématiques sociales, autrement dit d’en proposer une lecture politique. Ces productions, en s’approchant au plus près du militantisme, interrogent le discours et l’action des pouvoirs en place (politiques et économiques) et en même temps donnent à voir des alternatives, qu’elles appartiennent à un passé lointain ou très récent. Portmán, a la sombra de Roberto (Miguel Martí, 2001), El efecto Iguazú (Pere Joan Ventura, 2002), 200 km. (Discusión14, 2003), La mano invisible (Isadora Guardia, 2004), Veinte años no es nada (Joaquín Jordà, 2004), El astillero (Disculpen las molestias) (Alejandro Zapico, 2007), Flores de luna (Juan Vicente Córdoba, 2009), 15M Libre te quiero (Basilio Martín Patino, 2011), ces films, bien qu’ils partagent de nombreux points communs avec la critique sociale ne se concentrent pas sur des destins individuels, mais sur des projets collectifs. Par ailleurs, ils ne se contentent pas d’un constat, ils exercent une fonction de dénonciation. Leur but étant de transformer la conscience du spectateur, ils agissent. / This thesis is about documentaries which, in Spain, are in a half-way between militant commitment and political disengagement. Our research focused on minority movies likely to take the opposite view of the feeble representations of social problematics, and thus, to propose a political interpretation. These productions, by coming closer to militancy, question the speech and the action of in place authorities (political and economical) and, at the mean time, show alternatives that belong to a distant or very recent past. Portmán, a la sombra de Roberto (Miguel Martí, 2001), El efecto Iguazú (Pere Joan Ventura, 2002), 200 km. (Discusión14, 2003), La mano invisible (Isadora Guardia, 2004), Veinte años no es nada (Joaquín Jordà, 2004), El astillero (Disculpen las molestias) (Alejandro Zapico, 2007), Flores de luna (Juan Vicente Córdoba, 2009), 15M Libre te quiero (Basilio Martín Patino, 2011), although these movies share a lot of things in common with social criticism, they do not focus on individual fates, but rather on collective projects. Moreover, beyond describing facts, they act as whistleblowers in order to modify the viewer’s consciousness.

This dissertation investigates the protest cultures of social revolutionary groups during and after the events of 1968 in France and West Germany before inquiring into how political officials and police responded to the difficulties of maintaining public order. The events of 1968 led revolutionaries in both France and West Germany to adopt new justifications for militant action based in heterodox Marxism and anti-colonial theory, and to attempt to institutionalize new, confrontational modes of public protest that borrowed ways of knowing urban space, tactics, and materials from both the working class and armed guerrilla movements. Self-identifying revolutionaries and left intellectuals also institutionalized forums for the investigation of police interventions in protests on the basis of testimonies, photography, and art. These investigative committees regularly aimed to exploit the resonance of police violence to promote further cycles of politicization. In response, political officials and police sought after 1968 to introduce and to reinforce less ostentatious, allegedly less harmful means of crowd control and dispersion that could inflict suffering without reproducing the spectacle of mass baton assaults and direct physical confrontations—means of physical constraint less susceptible to unveiling as violence. Second, police reinforced surveillance and arrest units. The new tactics of the police borrowed their principles from the struggle against subversion, criminality, and terrorism in order to neutralize the small-group tactics of militant demonstrators. Thus, 1968 served as the point of emergence of a confrontational protest culture within the New Left that in turn provoked the re-articulation of practices of the state. It was a revolution in the counter-revolution.

Vorgestellt wird ein noch relativ neuer soziologischer Theorieansatz, der die Häufigkeit und Relevanz von Protestbewegungen in der modernen Gesellschaft zu erklären versucht. Dieser wird mit herkömmlichen wirtschaftstheoretischen Vorstellungen in Zusammenhang gebracht und seine Tragweite am Beispiel ökologischer Protestbewegungen exemplifiziert. / The paper summarizes an innovative sociological theory of protest movements which is still rather new and little known outside German-language academic sociology proper. It seeks to explain the high frequency and considerable political impact of protest movements in the modern society. This theory is related to elements of traditional economic theory and applied to ecological protest movements.

This thesis documents and examines Occupy Portland's organizational structure and the impact of this structure on the leadership roles of participants. Interviews with key activists and participant observation reveal that the ideologically influenced horizontal organization employed by the movement disrupts the emergence of centralized authority and charismatic leadership. This, in turn, encourages the rise of a "distributed leadership" comprised of multiple, task driven leaders. It finds that these task-oriented leaders within Occupy Portland tend to fulfill three specific leadership roles; the facilitation of process, the construction of movement structures, and the organization of actions. This study provides an exploration of conceptualizing leaders in a non-hierarchical, decentralized, consensus-based decision-making social movement and works to give needed expansion to the literature on social movement leadership.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第21198号 / 地博第227号 / 新制||地||84(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 岡本 正明, 教授 石川 登, 教授 藤倉 達郎 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

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This research seeks to answer why and which Chinese people go to the street to protest. I argue that different sectors of Chinese society differ from each other regarding their tendencies to participate in protest. In addition to their grievances, the incentives to participate in protest and their capacities to overcome the collective action problem all needed to be taken into account. Using individual level data along with ordinary binary logistic regression and multilevel logistic regression models, I first compare the protest participation of workers and peasants and find that workers are more likely than peasants to participate in protests in the context of contemporary China. I further disaggregate the working class into four subtypes according to the ownership of the enterprises they work for. I find that workers of township and village enterprises are more likely than workers of state-owned enterprises to engage in protest activities, while there is no significant difference between the workers of domestic privately owned enterprises and the workers of foreign-owned enterprises regarding their protest participation. Finally, I find that migrant workers, which refers to peasants who move to urban areas in search of jobs, are less likely than urban registered workers to participate in protests.

The purpose of this paper is to describe and explain the dynamics of the post-war British peace movement. This examination will account for, and link the two distinct phases of activity which encompassed at their peaks, the periods of 1958 to 1960, and 1981 to 1983. The defence issue declined in salience in the intervening years and was largely ignored. The paper sets out to account for these cycles of protest by determining four key factors; the creation of a potential clientele, the symbolic meaning of the movement, the catalytic historical events and the incentives for mobilisation. Three theories are used to explain these elements. Inglehart's 'Post-Materialism' thesis is utilised to explain the presence of a potential clientele in terms of a new value orientation that is emerging among post-war generations due to the unprecedented affluence experienced in their formative years. Parkin's case study of the first phase of the movement provides the symbolic protest element, that explains the salience of the peace movement to these post-materialists. It also suggests that the clientele's interest in the issue lasts as long as the issue is significant and that as soon as it declines other issues claim their attentions and energies. The final vital element is explained by adapting Olson's cost and benefit 'Collective Action' theory to this non-economic case. This theory suggests that the prominent peace movement organisation, the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, provided and distributed vital selective incentives that motivated the existing clientele into protest activity. However, once the costs of non-achievement of policy goals add to the costs of protest activity (which are being raised by the radicalisation of tactics) and the organisation becomes inefficient at distributing these selective goods, the incentive to participate is removed and activity begins to decline. The combination of these three theories with the impact of historical atmosphere and a catalytic event creates a coherent explanation of the movement in both phases. / M.A.