Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / As investigações em torno da atuação política da imprensa costumam partir de duas posturas teóricas opostas. De um lado, alguns analistas enfatizam a importância da imprensa para a constituição de uma esfera pública nas democracias modernas. Desse prisma, ela seria encarregada de viabilizar o debate público e submeter ao escrutínio da sociedade as decisões estatais. Do outro lado, uma perspectiva mais cética defende que a imprensa não pode ser tomada como um pilar da esfera pública. Suas rotinas e estruturas a tornariam uma instância de manipulação retórica incompatível com o ideal moderno de um público deliberativo. Contudo, para além dessas oposições é importante notar que o ideal de uma deliberação pública mediada pela imprensa tem funcionado historicamente como um discurso de legitimação para a própria imprensa. Partindo da premissa de que a ideia de esfera pública é uma categoria política, esta pesquisa pretende entender de que modo alguns jornais se servem de uma dada concepção de esfera pública para se autolegitimarem enquanto pilares do debate público democrático. Através do estudo da maneira como a grande imprensa brasileira lidou com o tema das ações afirmativas raciais no ensino superior, este trabalho mostra como determinados enquadramentos midiáticos serviram para que a imprensa reivindicasse para si o status de esfera pública de debate do tema. A pesquisa se baseou numa análise de todos os textos sobre as ações afirmativas raciais no ensino superior publicados entre 2001 e 2009 nos dois principais jornais brasileiros: O Globo e Folha de S. Paulo. No total, 1.831 textos de diferentes tipos (reportagens, artigos, colunas, editoriais, cartas de leitores etc.) foram compilados e analisados a partir de Programas Computacionais de Codificação Assistida de Dados Qualitativos (CAQDAS, na sigla anglófona). A análise indica que ambos os jornais promoveram uma dramatização pública da controvérsia ao organizarem as discussões em torno das ações afirmativas raciais de acordo com determinados modelos de esfera pública. Tal dramatização não somente possibilitou que a imprensa influenciasse os destinos das ações afirmativas raciais no país, apresentando-as como medidas essencialmente polêmicas, mas também limitou a cobertura a estruturas narrativas padronizadas / News media studies usually are based on one of two theoretical perspectives. On one side, some researchers focus on the relevance of press for the constitution of the public sphere in the modern democracies. According to this point of view, the press would shelter public debate and hold governmental decisions accountable to society as a whole. On the other side, a more skeptical perspective argues that the press cannot be considered to be a pillar of the public sphere given the fact that its routines and structures are open to rhetorical manipulation, which, in turn, is incompatible with the modern ideal of a deliberative public sphere. Beyond this opposition, however, it is important to notice that the ideal of public deliberation mediated by the press have historically been used by the press itself as a means to legitimize its social and political function. By analyzing the coverage of race -based affirmative action done by two chief Brazilian quality papers, O Globo and Folha de S. Paulo, I show how the media framed it as a polarized and dramatized debate, producing at the same time a "public space" where certain voices where authorized and linked to certain positions in the debate. My database was comprised of all texts on affirmative action published by these newspapers between 2001 and 2009, and included different formats such as reportages, columns, op-ed articles, readers letters, etc.). Data analysis was performed with the help of Computer Assisted Qualitative Data Analysis Softwares (CAQDAS)

Orientador: Ricardo Alexino Ferreira / Banca: Nancy Nuyen Ali Ramadan / Banca: Mauro de Souza Ventura / Resumo: A Internet tem atraído cada vez mais a atenção de pesquisadores como um novo espaço social no qual são gestadas novas formas de comunicação e convivência. Os weblogs seriam então um dos mais recentes canais midiáticos no âmbito do ciberespaço. Diante disso, objetivou-se neste trabalho investigar os critérios de noticiabilidade e valores-notícia que orientam a instauração de um possível novo formato noticioso nos blogs verificando os gêneros ciberjornalísticos das notícias no âmbito de sua emergência enquanto uma mídia no webjornalismo. Propôs-se, portanto, por meio de um estudo exploratório relacionar os dados obtidos junto ao levantamento processual empírico nos três blogs estudados aos questionamentos que perpassam tal reflexão; se o jornalismo praticado nos blogs repete o mesmo padrão da grande mídia, ou se o potencial multimidático destes canais altera os valores-notícias ou provocam um novo agendamento de fato para além do ocorrido na chamada mídia de massa. Seria o novo em curso ou o velho maquiado pela presença de recursos de personalização multimidiática? Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa busca fornecer subsídios teórico-empíricos mais abrangentes sobre os blogs inseridos na discussão ampla da cultura midiática e esfera pública virtual, contribuindo para suprir a lacuna do conhecimento referente a esse novo fenômeno comunicacional / Abstract: Internet has been drawing the interest of researchers as a new social space where new manners of communication and sociability are being sustained. Therefore, weblogs are one of the newest media channels at the scope of cyberspace. Moreover then the objective of this paper is to search the noticiability criteria e "news-value" that guide the establishment of a possible new journalistic configuration on blogs, to verify the ciber journalistic genres of piece of news whereas they rise as a journalistic media in webjournalism. So the proposal is to relate, by means of an exploratory study, the information achieved in the empiric processual survey within the analyzed blogs about the contestations that pass by this consideration; if the journalism that is executed on blogs repeats the same standards of the world media or the multimedia potential of this channels changes the "news-value" or promotes a new agenda, in fact, beyond what happens at the so-called mass media. Would it be that the new one is in motion or the old one is disguised by multimedia personalization resources? For that, this research intents to present ample theoretic and empiric subventions about the blogs introduced at the wide media culture and the virtual public sphere, that contribute to compensate for the lack of studies about this new communication phenomenon / Mestre

Cette thèse entend contribuer à la construction d’un dispositif théorique méthodologique pour l’analyse des médiations symboliques à l’œuvre dans l’espace public lors des débats de société. Dans un premier temps, nous proposons de discuter les conditions épistémologiques de l’analyse des discours circulant dans l’espace public pour dégager des formes idéologiques (au sens large). Nous montrons dans un second temps que les discussions entre internautes à propos du nucléaire, sur les sites de presse en ligne, après l’accident de Fukushima, sont structurées par un nombre limité de grands cadres d’intelligibilité que nous appelons « modes d’appréhension ». Ces modes d’appréhension n’apparaissent jamais vraiment sous leur forme canonique, mais se retrouvent par bribes dans la parole individuelle des internautes. Ils peuvent alors être reconstruits, dans une optique d’analyse argumentative du discours, par le regroupement de « topoï » épars en micro-univers de sens relativement consistants et cohérents. La mise au jour de ces divers modes d’appréhension, construits et perpétués dans la circulation discursive, permet à la fois de faire apparaître une partie des médiations symboliques de la communication sociale sur le nucléaire après Fukushima, de faire émerger les points critiques de la réflexion politique et philosophique sur le sujet, et d’observer quelques-unes des sédimentations idéologiques dominantes de notre modernité. / This thesis aims to contribute to the construction of a theoretical and methodological framework for the analysis of symbolic mediations which occur in the public sphere during public debates. Firstly, we discuss the epistemological conditions of a search for ideological forms shaped by the circulation of discourses. Secondly, we show that conversations about civil nuclear power among internet users on comment boards of online news websites are structured by a limited number of frames of intelligibility that we call "modes of apprehension". These modes of apprehension never occur in their canonic form: they only appear by fragments in the speech of individuals. Hence, an argumentative analysis of discourse can be used to rebuild them by reordering the multiple "topoï" in consistent and coherent universes of meaning. Bringing out these modes of apprehension, forged and perpetuated by the circulation of discourses, has three main interests : we highlight some of the symbolic mediations of the social communication about civil nuclear power after Fukushima ; we underline some of the main political and philosophical issues of the question ; and we examine some of the dominant ideological sedimentations of our modernity.

A partir de uma análise conceitual de usos aparentemente consensuais do termo qualidade no campo da educação e apoiado sobretudo no conceito de público em Hannah Arendt, o presente trabalho discute a validade do que se denomina aqui narrativa instrumental da qualidade em educação. Essa narrativa se assenta na definição de qualidade restrita a determinados resultados obtidos pelos alunos, em termos de seu rendimento cognitivo, em avaliações de larga escala e à utilidade que porventura tenham esses resultados para a esfera social, conseqüência da indefinição dos limites entre as esferas pública e privada, típica da Modernidade. Os pressupostos dessa narrativa utilitária se fundam em fins extrínsecos à própria educação escolar, relegando-a à condição de um simples meio para a satisfação de necessidades antes criadas por uma sociedade de consumo do que legitimamente estabelecidas por uma discussão de caráter eminentemente público e político. É como se o valor da escola pudesse ser estimado pela riqueza ou pelo status social que proporciona aos indivíduos ou pelo desenvolvimento econômico que pode acarretar. Nesses termos, a formação escolar se vê reduzida a atender a interesses socialmente valorizados, supostamente capazes de viabilizar as condições para se obterem mais e melhores resultados, alimentando um fluxo sem sentido. A essa visão utilitária, opõe-se a vocação da educação escolar pública, que, reconhece a natalidade e a iniciação no mundo humano como seu fundamento e assume a responsabilidade por esse mundo sob a forma da autoridade a partir de uma herança pública e comum. Nessa perspectiva, a escola tem uma dupla responsabilidade: a preservação das tradições de conhecimento e formas de vida de um mundo preexistente do qual os recémchegados vão se apropriando e a possibilidade de agir sobre esse mundo, renovando-o. / From a conceptual analysis of apparently consensual use of the word \"quality\" in the field of education and especially supported by the concept of public in Hannah Arendt, this work discusses the validity of what is called here instrumental narrative in quality education. This narrative is based on the definition of quality restricted to certain results obtained by the students in terms of their cognitive performance in large-scale evaluations and the usefulness that might have these results for the social sphere, a consequence of the lack of boundaries between public and private spheres, typical of Modernity. The assumptions of such narrative are based on utilitarian purposes extrinsic to the school education, relegating it to the condition for a simple means to the satisfaction of needs before created by a society of consumption than legitimately established by a discussion of highly public and political character. It is as if the value of the school could be estimated by wealth or social status that gives individuals or the economic development that may entail. Accordingly, the school can be seen reduced to meet the interests socially valued, supposedly capable of enabling conditions for obtaining more and better results, feeding a stream senseless. That utilitarian view, is opposed to the vocation of public school education, which recognizes the birth and initiation in the human world as its basis and take over this world in the form of authority from a public and common heritage. Accordingly, the school has a dual responsibility: preserving the traditions of knowledge and ways of life of an existing world which the newcomers will be appropriating - and the ability to act on this world, renewing it.

A pesquisa investiga as transformações socioculturais atreladas ao desenvolvimento das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e como ocorre a mobilização da sociedade civil global por meio da internet. São analisados aspectos da dinâmica em rede que prevalece nas relações pós-modernas, com destaque para a ação política autônoma de grupos de resistência. O objeto de pesquisa é a relação entre as redes e o Fórum Social Mundial. A metodologia consiste em revisão de literatura em duas frentes principais: referências bibliográficas de caráter multidisciplinar e literatura específica sobre o Fórum Social Mundial. Reportagens, notícias, sites e vídeos também foram consultados, além da participação nos encontros. O trabalho, ao tratar de um objeto contemporâneo em transformação, oferece uma série de reflexões: como potencializar o uso da rede; como a relação com a informação e o conhecimento se altera; como as relações em rede afetam a articulação entre indivíduos e coletivos e a mobilização de movimentos de resistência; como exercer uma participação ativa na esfera pública em rede, contribuindo para uma sociedade mais participativa, livre e democrática. / The research investigates social and cultural changes linked to the development of information and communication technologies and how the mobilisation of global civil society happens throught the internet. Besides, some aspects of the network dynamic that prevail in post-modern relationships are analised, with emphasis on the autonomous political action of resistance groups. The main theme of this research is the relationship between the networks and the World Social Forum. The methodology consists in literature revision on two main fields: multi-disciplinary references and specific literature about the World Social Forum. Articles, news, websites and videos were also sources of information, besides the researcher´s participation in the events. The research, when working with a contemporary changing subject, raises a number of issues: how is it possible to maximize the use of network?; how does the relationship with information and knowledge change?; how do the networked relationships affect the articulation between individuals and groups and the mobilisation of resistance movements?; how can individuals participate actively in the networked public sphere to contribute to a more participatory, free and democratic society?

Submitted by Jorge Silva (jorgelmsilva@ufrrj.br) on 2018-08-30T18:05:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Thais Soares Kronemberger.pdf: 3534320 bytes, checksum: 54d69c8f0245a00d4318b93ef51116a7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-30T18:05:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2015 - Thais Soares Kronemberger.pdf: 3534320 bytes, checksum: 54d69c8f0245a00d4318b93ef51116a7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-27 / CAPES / FAPERJ / The central question that the study searches to answer is: how the social management is established on rural territorial development programs in Brazil and in Argentina? Such question is directly related with the territorial approach of rural development that advocates the participatory policy in deliberative forums capable of integrate social actors, especially those traditionally excluded of the process of political decision-making, with the purpose the identification of local demands and the established of concerted actions of rural development . The social management, in this case, is the dialogic relationship between the social actors of the public sphere, which the finality is the process of discussion and deliberations of actions of development through an operative authority shared. The territory, in this case, is faced how an active unity of development, having a potential spatiality to the construction of projects of development socially concerted. Built upon such decision, the research came from two presuppositions: (1) the practice of management social in rural territory is conditioned to the constitution of deliberative public spheres and (2) requires the provision of participative conditions of generate opportunities and capacities to insertion of the civil society in the decision process. The objects of study adopted consisted in the Programa Territ?rios da Cidadania da Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Territorial do Minist?rio do Desenvolvimento Agr?rio and the Programa Nacional de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento dos Territ?rios do Instituto Nacional de Tecnologia Agropecu?ria do Minist?rio da Agricultura, Pecu?ria e Pesca of Brazil and Argentina, respectively. The research method consisted in the study of cases compared between the Territ?rio da Cidadania Noroeste Fluminense, in Brazil and the Territ?rio Oeste Pampeano, in Argentina. The data collect counted with bibliographic researches, documental and of camp. In relation to these, were realized techniques of simple and participative observation in investigated territories and at the same time, were realized semi structured interviews with state representatives and with family agriculture. The treatment of data were realized of quality form from the analyze technique of content by mixed grade, in which the categories of analysis were preliminary defined, being incorporated also during the analyze process. The categorization counted with three criteria institutional-political, territorial and social dismembered in a group of unities of correspondents analyzes. The results point, in the argentine case, the social management is related with the construction of social relations and of a discussion process, characterized for dialogicity and intersubjectivity, from the existence of common identity between the small caprine producers. In Brazilian case, the public spheres contribute to integrate the diverse publics belong to the segment of family agriculture and constitute an expression space of demands and acquisition of social rights for those representations more mobilized and social organized. However, the social management faces difficulties in the appropriation of decision process by civil society, principally, by those segments on disadvantage that can not realize participative conditions to your deliberative insertion, as in the Territ?rio da Cidadania Noroeste because of the predomination of strategic management as in the Territ?rio Oeste by the absence of institutionalization of participatory decision-making mechanisms. / A pergunta central que o estudo buscou responder foi: como a gest?o social ? estabelecida em programas de desenvolvimento territorial rural no Brasil e na Argentina? Tal questionamento est? diretamente relacionado com a abordagem territorial do desenvolvimento rural que preconiza a diretriz participativa em f?runs deliberativos capazes de integrar atores sociais, sobretudo aqueles tradicionalmente exclu?dos do processo de tomada de decis?o pol?tica, tendo por finalidade a identifica??o de demandas locais e o estabelecimento de a??es concertadas de desenvolvimento rural. A gest?o social, neste caso, constitui a rela??o dial?gica entre os atores sociais da esfera p?blica, na qual a finalidade ? o processo de discuss?o e de delibera??o de a??es de desenvolvimento por meio de autoridade decis?ria compartilhada. O territ?rio, deste modo, ? visto como unidade ativa do desenvolvimento, tendo espacialidade potencial para constru??o de projetos de desenvolvimento concertados socialmente. Sustentada em tal discuss?o, a pesquisa partiu de dois pressupostos: (1) a pr?tica da gest?o social em territ?rios rurais est? condicionada a constitui??o de esferas p?blicas deliberativas e (2) requer a provis?o de condi??es participativas capazes de gerar oportunidades e capacidades para a inser??o da sociedade civil no processo decis?rio. Os objetos de estudo consistiram no Programa Territ?rios da Cidadania da Secretaria de Desenvolvimento Territorial do Minist?rio do Desenvolvimento Agr?rio e no Programa Nacional de Apoyo al Desarrollo de los Territorios do Instituto Nacional de Tecnolog?a Agropecuaria do Ministerio da Agricultura, Ganader?a y Pesca, do Brasil e da Argentina, respectivamente. O m?todo de pesquisa adotado foi o estudo de casos comparado entre o Territ?rio da Cidadania Noroeste Fluminense, no Brasil, e o Territ?rio Oeste Pampeano, na Argentina. A coleta de dados contou com pesquisas bibliogr?fica, documental e de campo. Em rela??o a esta ?ltima, foram realizadas t?cnicas de observa??o simples e participante nos territ?rios investigados, bem como realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com representantes do Estado e da agricultura familiar. O tratamento dos dados foi realizado de forma qualitativa, a partir da t?cnica de an?lise de conte?do por grade mista, na qual categorias de an?lise foram definidas preliminarmente, sendo incorporadas tamb?m durante o processo de an?lise. A categoriza??o contou com tr?s crit?rios: pol?tico-institucional, territorial e social desmembrados em um conjunto de unidades de an?lises correspondentes. Os resultados apontam, que no caso argentino, a gest?o social ? percebida na constru??o de rela??es sociais e no processo de discuss?o, sustentados na dialogicidade e na intersubjetividade, a partir de uma identidade comum entre os pequenos produtores. No caso brasileiro, as esferas p?blicas contribuem para integrar os diversos p?blicos pertencentes ao segmento da agricultura familiar, al?m de constitu?rem um espa?o de express?o das reivindica??es e de conquista de direitos sociais por aquelas representa??es mais mobilizadas e organizadas socialmente. Contudo, a gest?o social enfrenta barreiras na apropria??o do processo decis?rio pela sociedade civil, principalmente, pelos segmentos em desvantagem que n?o conseguem efetivar condi??es participativas para sua inser??o deliberativa, seja no Territ?rio da Cidadania Noroeste pelo predom?nio da gest?o estrat?gica seja no Territ?rio Oeste pela aus?ncia de institucionaliza??o de mecanismos decis?rios participativos.

<p>This study in contemporary history describes the transformation of the public sphere in Sweden during the period 1969-1999, and analyses the role of information technology and politics in the process. The overall aim of the study is to explain how, and why, the public sphere in Jürgen Habermas sense has deteriorated during a period of rapid technological and political change, when increasing attention has been given to information technology as a new tool for improving democracy and empowering citizens.</p><p>Theoretical inspiration is drawn from two perspectives within the modern history of technology and sociology of technology; the LTS (Large Technical Systems) and STS (Science, Technology and Society) approaches, as well as from the regime theory concept within political science. This multidisciplinary framework provides the theoretical basis for the study, including terms as socio-technical systems, system builder, technification, interpretative flexibility, stabilization, closing and regime change. In addition, the analysis draws upon previous research in economic history, where focus often has been on the important role of institutions. The term path dependence is central in this tradition.</p><p>The starting point for the study is the process of a mutual legitimization between citizens and political actors that traditionally has taken place within the public sphere. In return for citizens support and trust, political actors have granted format rights to the public space. Two aspects of this interdependence are addressed: Freedom of speech and citizen’s access to public information, and their access to arenas where an exchange of political ideas and opinions is taking place. In the study, the former is a question of the legal system and the limits to freedom of speech in new medias such as the Internet, while the latter concerns citizen’s technical means and possibilities to connect to electronic networks.</p><p>Research interest is concentrated on the formal political system, focusing both actors and structural factors such as technological development, media convergence, ideological change and international integration in the transformation process. Four case studies of institutional changes during formative moments, within what is defined as the legal and the technical infrastructures, are conducted and represent the empirical base of the thesis. The case studies are centered on Swedish governmental commissions, on the government itself and on proceedings in the parliament, and concerns formation and transformation of computer law, as well as the deregulation and privatization of the technical infrastructure.</p><p>In the latter process Televerket (Swedish Telecom) has been an influential promoter of competition and institutional separation between tele- and data communications, representing a major regime change in favour of market relations in the technical infrastructure. In the area of computer law, the Swedish regime dominated by SCB (Statistics Sweden) was incorporated into a joint European data protection regime, resulting in limitations of freedom of speech on the Internet. These regime changes have also transformed the role of the state, constituting a “net watchers state”. </p><p>Another important finding is that promotion of democracy and improvement of access to the public sphere, never was on the agenda in the political transformation processes studied, although a parallel discourse on democracy and information technology existed throughout the period studied.</p>

<p>This essay concerns graffiti, and in particular graffiti removal regarded as iconoclasm.</p><p>Graffiti is described as a visual symbol laden with both negative and positive values, and sometimes as a meaningful expression in the urban public space. One problem with graffiti as a field of study is the diversity of both the meaning of the term as well as the diversity of the phenomenon itself. Therefore I have defined the term graffiti as follows: words and images painted on public walls by a person usually in an unauthorised manner. Specific examples of graffiti and related phenomena are presented. Within the Swedish anti-graffiti discourse the pejorative term klotter (scribbling) is used to describe what I above define as graffiti. A short analysis of this discourse is followed by case studies of specific examples of graffiti removal that can be regarded as iconoclasm.</p>

<p>The Swedish election year of 2010 has just begun and the political actors are mobilizing their communication efforts to win the votes of the public. The political campaigns of 2010 have the potential to be the first where a new channel for political communication has the potential to make a difference – the social media. This paper aims to describe in what ways a Member of Parliament, Nina Larsson (FP), together with the PR-agency Hello Clarice are using social media to conduct political campaigning on the web. It also aims to study if the professional consultants of Hello Clarice have any influence over Nina Larsson’s political communication.</p><p>The theoretical framework which is the base for this study are theories of an extended public sphere in the age of mediation. The information age has created new forms of interaction between humans over geographical distance which also is a key starting-point in Manuel Castells theories of the network society. This theory is therefore a theoretical foundation of this paper. The paper also uses theories of political communication and the idea of the professionalization of political communication. The research was conducted with a netnographic approach with observational studies of Nina Larsson’s two blogs and her activities on the social network Twitter. As a compliment to the observational studies research has also been conducted trough qualitative interviews with both Nina Larsson and representatives from the PR-agency Hello Clarice.</p><p>The results show that Nina Larsson’s political communication has to a degree been affected by the professional consultants of Hello Clarice. The paper has also shown an indication of the potential of social media in use of strategic political communication, in which different channels serve with different purposes. Our research has also shown that in this specific case social media can decrease the communicative distance between politician and citizen.</p> / <p>Valåret 2010 har precis tagit sin början och de politiska aktörerna mobiliserar sina kommunikationsinsatser för att på bästa sätt kunna vinna väljarnas förtroende och i slutändan röster. Årets valrörelse kan också bli den första där en ny kanal för politisk kommunikation är av betydelse – de sociala medierna. Denna uppsats syftar till att beskriva på vilka sätt en riksdagsledamot, Nina Larsson (FP), tillsammans med en kommunikationsbyrå, Hello Clarice, arbetar för att bedriva politiskt kampanjarbete i de sociala medierna. Uppsatsens mål är också att undersöka om kommunikationsbyrån påverkar de politiska budskap som Nina Larsson kommunicerar i de sociala medierna. </p><p>För att skapa förståelse för det som studeras baserar sig studien på ett övergripande plan i olika teoretiska synsätt om utvidgningen av det offentliga rummet som skett i samband med medieutvecklingen. Informationssamhällets utbredning har skapat nya förutsättningar för interaktion mellan människor i ett geografiskt avstånd. Manuel Castells teorier om nätverkssamhällets framväxt, i vilket dessa interaktiva aktiviteter sker, är därför också en övergripande teoretisk utgångspunkt för studien. För att skapa förståelse för de aktiviteter som studeras grundar sig studien också i teorier om politisk kommunikation och tankesätt om professionaliseringen av den politiska kommunikationen. En netnografisk ansats har använts för att bedriva observationsstudier av Nina Larssons två bloggar och av hennes konto på mikrobloggen Twitter. Studien har också kompletterats genom kvalitativa intervjuer med Nina Larsson och med representanter från kommunikationsbyrån Hello Clarice. </p><p>Studiens resultat visar att Nina Larssons politiska budskap delvis har påverkats av kommunikationsbyrån Hello Clarice. Studien visar också de sociala mediernas potential för att bedriva strategisk politisk kommunikation där de olika kanalerna som Nina Larsson kontrollerar tjänar olika syften. Syften som sammantaget ska stärka de politiska mål som Nina Larsson har. Våra observationer av Nina Larssons kanaler visar också att de sociala medierna kan fungera som ett verktyg för att minska det kommunikativa avståndet mellan medborgare och folkvald, vilket i detta specifika fall visat sig genom att Nina Larsson visat en vilja till dubbelriktad kommunikation.</p>

The thesis considers three women conferences arranged by the National Council of Women of Sweden (NCWS) in Stockholm at the turn of the 20th century. NCWS was a branch of the International Council of Women and at its height it was an umbrella-organisation for about forty Swedish women organisations. The focus is on the role of the conferences as arenas for women who wanted to prove their ability and competence in society. The content, the form and the function of the conferences are analysed. The question whether the conferences arranged by the NCWS reflected the ideas, dilemmas and strategies of the bourgeois women’s movement is addressed. A larger historical development is illuminated – the formation of the bourgeois women movements for the public sphere in the process of modernity. The thesis explores different theories and shows how the concepts of class, gender, public sphere, modernity and trans-nationalism were dealt with at the conferences. The women conferences have been treated as manifestations; as a quintessence of the ideas and ambitions of the movement. The thesis asserts that the ideology of the movements was formulated and expressed not only in spoken words, but also in festivities, symbols and sisterhood. The class identity was manifested in the form of which the conferences were conducted. On the one hand, the conference women showed loyalty to the conservative society and the rigid class position. On the other hand, the conference initiators wanted to improve women’s opportunities of becoming citizens and to move the boarders between the public and the private. Ideologies such as Internationalism and Scandinavism became important in creating a collective identity.