This thesis examines the propriety of suffering as a category in political thought. This complex subject matter is approached by examining two responses, and the disagreement arising between these responses, to the perceived failure of politics, modernity and religion in Europe in the first half of the twentieth century. The first response to these failures considered is a theological response, representing a politics based on belief, in which we turn to the writings of J.B. Metz as a representative of this position. The second response considered is the philosophical civic humanism of Hannah Arendt as a seminal representative of what we term a politics based on unbelief. Our question regarding suffering as a category in political thought brings our two representative thinkers into disagreement. Metz presents a vision of political life in which belief – and specifically Christian belief – must liberate itself from privatising forces which confine belief and a response to suffering to the private sphere as a matter of individual concern and inward piety. For Metz the issue of suffering is not merely a matter of individual private concern but of political action. Central to his argument are his understanding of theodicy that forms part of his critique of modernity, the central place he gives Christ’s cry of dereliction in theology and his concept of Leiden an Gott. Arendt, representative of politics strictly separated from religion on Modernity’s grounds, robustly argues that concerns which are matters of the private sphere, that is the household, have invaded the public realm and in doing so have destroyed politics. Suffering is such a concern and it introduces to politics the ‘problem of necessity’ and impinges upon her concept of human freedom. She therefore represents the antithesis of Metz’s position. In order to answer our question regarding suffering our argument focuses by engaging with the issues of freedom and forgiveness. This move is important in establishing the basis on which suffering can appear in the political realm. This thesis argues for and concludes that theology provides the means for a reconciliation of the antinomies between the private and public spheres, between suffering and political thought. We therefore conclude that suffering is an appropriate concern of political life and compassion in the form of Christian charity can take an appropriate form in the political sphere.

人類的政治與日常生活內容存在於公共領域和私領域中，隨著社會的自由化與民主化，公私領域也對教育產生影響。本研究把公共領域視為政治生活的空間，人們在其中通過彼此的共同經驗來討論各種議題。私領域則是涉及自身關係與親密關係等內容，其發展與公共領域有密不可分的關係。本研究重新描述了Dewey教育理論中的經驗與民主等概念，且針對其中的不足之處，企圖以公私領域的概念加以充實之。研究者主要從四個部分的分析來重構Dewey的理論：一、增加生活經驗的多樣性；二、社會化與個性化的兼顧；三、公共與私人的民主生活；四、民主教育的自主與團結。根據上面的分析，最後研究者對Dewey的教育理論提出了四點建議：第一，把公私領域的概念融入Dewey的經驗理論中，使人們注意到在經驗的連續性及交互作用中，存在那些公共與私人生活的複雜關係；第二，重申個性化和社會化必須兼顧的重要性；第三，瞭解各種團體的互動關係能使共同生活更為完善；第四，把各種公共與私人的關係納入考量中，將有助於彰顯出完整的人類生活面貌。 / The politics and daily life of human lay both in the public and the private sphere, along with the liberalization and democratization in the society, the public and the private sphere also bring about influence on education. The study treats public sphere as the realm of political life. In the realm, people discuss various subjects with their associated experiences. The private sphere involves self and intimacy relations, their development have inseparable relevance to public sphere. The study redescribes the concepts of experience and democracy in the Dewey’s educational theory, and attempts to enrich his shortage with the concept of the public and the private sphere. The Author reconstructs Dewey’s educational theory by four points: Adding the variation of life experiences, giving equal attention to socialization and individualization, public and private democratic life, autonomy and solidarity of the democratic education. Accordingly, the author proposes four suggests to Dewey's educational theory: Firstly, if people want to understand the complexity of the public and the private life, they need to integrate the public sphere and the private sphere into Dewey’s experience theory. Secondly, reiterating the importance of the individualization and the socialization must be given equal attention. Thirdly, understanding the interactive relationships in various associations could cause to a better associated living. Fourthly, it will be helpful to show a complete human life by taking all kinds of the public and the private relation into account.

There is a significant number of politicians around the globe who demonstrate the conventions of personal style in their political agenda. Norway’s Prime Minister, Jens Stoltenberg or United States’ President, Barack Obama is a few examples. Personalization of politics was reflected through their Twitter account in the notion of content, pictures, and language tone. In the Indonesian political context, Ridwan Kamil became visible as a prominent leader and received immense popularity on Twitter. Social media platforms have changed the way politicians and citizens interact. They are a platform where individuals and communities share, co-create, discuss, and modify user-generated content. Especially with Twitter, certain features such reply, retweet, and hashtag are powerful tools to integrate their political value and construct their persona on Twitter.  This research is conducted by using mixed-method methodologies. The results from content analysis and discourse analysis will complete each other. The results of the content analysis have shown that what Kamil shares on his Twitter profile is mostly about his philosophy about good governance; social media has become a shortcut in the bureaucracy process and at the same time he manages to seem ordinary and authentic with sharing his personal preferences about music or popular culture phenomenon. Discourse analysis is complementing these findings by showing how Kamil deploys language to produce a certain identity. Kamil is crafting his social media skills and shifting from formal to informal tone at every occasion and construct his persona as professional, fun, and caring. All of these results are important inquiries to describe the politician’s presence on Twitter. As the effect of truth, the Twitter user can still relate to Kamil as an ordinary human being. Focusing on the extent to which the content and users’ personality re-fashion political marketing, the study propose how politician integrate their political value and construct their persona on Twitter. As social media grows globally, the phenomenon of politics and social media also appears in Indonesian political sphere especially Twitter as a new space to offer political rhetoric, posturing, and presentational techniques for political agendas.

Tidigare forskning har visat att det existerar en vidspridd oro för de miljöproblem vi idag står inför. Trots detta agerar de flesta människor inte i linje med sin oro, vilket skapar en diskrepans mellan en attityd och konkret handlande, där det även existerar stora variationer mellan länder. Med bivariata korrelationsanalyser ämnar denna uppsats att finna den eller de samhällsfaktorer som till högst grad kan förklara detta gap. Resultaten visar att den sociala tilliten inom ett land till högst grad förklarar varför vissa länders oro inte resulterar i konkret miljövänligt handlande. Sociala utgifter, BNP per capita, institutionell kvalitét är även betydelsefulla faktorer för att förklara detta gap. Denna uppsats fann inget stöd för att politisk tillit påverkar styrkan i sambandet mellan miljöoro och miljövänligt beteende.

The idea of accounting as a constitutive means, making people think and act in particular ways, is well established in the social strand of accounting literature. In professional organisations, for example, accounting is claimed to be critical to processes of turning people into rational and responsible economic actors. However, this thesis refocuses the empirical attention away from the organisation and into the private sphere of people’s everyday financial lives. As this is a field partly inhabited by people who for various reasons are believed to have difficulty in making sense of financial accounts, a dilemma arises regarding how to influence people’s way of managing their own finances by means of accounting information. How this dilemma is assumed to be resolved in order to make accounting matter is the query of this thesis. Through a study of four cases, the thesis investigates the practices of public authorities, a television makeover show, and a pension insurance company – here referred to as accounting framers – whose task it is to construct accounting in such a way so as to make it come across as important, relevant and useful to various groups of the general public. By examining how people’s accounting interpretations are elaborated in order to make them responsive to financial accounts, the thesis contributes to problematising the constitutive role of accounting and the conditions believed to enable it to turn people into financially responsible actors.

Title: Digital christmas greetings - the viral communicators, public sphere and democracy(Digitala julhälsningar - de virala kommuniktörerna, offentligheten och demokratin)Number of pages: 41Author : Anna-Sara TorgnysdotterTutor: Ylva EkströmCourse : Media and Communication Studies DPeriod: Spring, semester 2010University: Devision of Media and Communications, Department of Information Science,Uppsala UniversityPurpose: The purpose of this study is to see if social media could be an arena for the usersto increase democracy and the public sphere. Studying the role and possibilitys of the individual.Is there a space for any one to act and debate?Method: A qualitative analysis based on interviews with ten users of social media - viralcommunicators. They were discussing public and private sphere, democracy, norms andbehavior in social media.Theoretical platform: The theoretical basis has its roots in sociology: Ervin Goffman´sidea on self-presentation and social interaction, Manuel Castels´ theories of the networksociety and Jürgen Habermas idea of the public spehere.Main result: The viral communicators are ambivalent in their use of socialmedia. They are users because they want to be but also because they feel forced to - professionalor private. Their primary aim in communicating in social media could summarize“self-expression”.The users of social media talks contradictivly about their feelings wheter they feel safe orunsafe in the social media situation.They talk about lacking time to debate on the internet and they feel confused about what´sprivate and whats public.Social norms and unwritten laws rules communication in social media and the loosening inpublic and private sphere creates confusion about to whom and where you communicate.This results in avoiding messages that might offend or harass. Because the viral communicatorscommunicate with a broad group of people, including every one - from your cousin toyour boss - there is a vague idea of the tolerance from the target audiences and therefor themessages tend to be very conservative and safe.The viral communicator uses that public arena the social media offers like traditional postcards. A christmas greeting to keep in touch and stress their prosperity and wellbeing.Keywords : Social media, viral communication, Habermas, Goffman, Castells, publicsphere, private sphere, social norms, unwritten laws

The purpose of this essay is to study the gender system and structures for a married couple in the late 1900-centery in the southern part of Sweden. More precisely the gender system of the lord Joseph Stephens and his wife the lady of the castle Elisabeth Stephens that lived in Huseby mansion during this time. I attend to do a qualitative textual analysis of the couple's correspondence from 1880-1900. I will interpret the results based on a theory of gender and gender division between the genders and the concepts of the private and the public sphere for the two genders. The results shows that the couple for most of the time has a gender based division between themselves were Elisabeth attempts to the privatesphere and Joseph for the public. Joseph does not involve Elisabeth with the operation of the estate or with his political duties. The way they appeals to each other can also implie that Joseph is superior to Elisabeth. The couple has also embraced the bourgeois ideal of love that means togetherness and exclusiveness in the relationship. But the result also shows that the division is not that fixed for the man in the relationship. Joseph can also enter the private and the female sphere which can implie that he is in control of the gender relationship and thinks that this is the best way to make sure the gender roles are kept safe which also will secure his superior position.

The thesis considers three women conferences arranged by the National Council of Women of Sweden (NCWS) in Stockholm at the turn of the 20th century. NCWS was a branch of the International Council of Women and at its height it was an umbrella-organisation for about forty Swedish women organisations. The focus is on the role of the conferences as arenas for women who wanted to prove their ability and competence in society. The content, the form and the function of the conferences are analysed. The question whether the conferences arranged by the NCWS reflected the ideas, dilemmas and strategies of the bourgeois women’s movement is addressed. A larger historical development is illuminated – the formation of the bourgeois women movements for the public sphere in the process of modernity. The thesis explores different theories and shows how the concepts of class, gender, public sphere, modernity and trans-nationalism were dealt with at the conferences. The women conferences have been treated as manifestations; as a quintessence of the ideas and ambitions of the movement. The thesis asserts that the ideology of the movements was formulated and expressed not only in spoken words, but also in festivities, symbols and sisterhood. The class identity was manifested in the form of which the conferences were conducted. On the one hand, the conference women showed loyalty to the conservative society and the rigid class position. On the other hand, the conference initiators wanted to improve women’s opportunities of becoming citizens and to move the boarders between the public and the private. Ideologies such as Internationalism and Scandinavism became important in creating a collective identity.

This study analyzes the representation of women and modernization in Tunisian society by looking at Tunisian films produced in Tunisia after 1980. Study aims to develop a new concept to understand modernization process of women in a non-western, Muslim, and North African society through representations in films. Women&rsquo / s modernization process has been analyzed through the qualitative analyses of five Tunisian films by focusing on conceptualization of women issue as one of the main elements of Tunisian modernization. More presicely, the study examines stages of women&rsquo / s modernization on the one side, and representation of this process in films on the other. In conclusion, I argue that examining written literature alone is not enough to understand women&rsquo / s modernization process in a non-western society. Expansion of modernization is not rapid and equal in the Tunisian society. If taking place in the public sphere, having a paid job and having education are taken as the indicators of women&rsquo / s modernization, it is seen that lower class women face with problems in every stage of Tunisian modernization. At that point, attending to visual sources like cinema which has the ability to reflect the society can give us convenient information about this process.

Var går egentligen gränsen mellan lärarens yrkesroll och dennes egna privata sfär? Utifrån min erfarenhet i början av mitt arbete som lärare att det var svårt att sätta en gräns för när arbetsveckan var slut och dessutom svårt att avsluta den med en känsla av att vara nöjd väcktes intresset för att utforska den gränsen. I uppsatsen har jag därför tittat närmare på hur stödet för en sådan avgränsning ser ut i de politiska styrdokumenten, arbetstidsavtalen och lärarens yrkesetik. Jag har också försökt ge en bild av hur konsekvenserna för läraren och dennes privata sfär ser ut under de förhållanden som råder idag. Resultatet visar att dessa gränsdragningar är vaga och att lärare idag har svårigheter att upprätthålla sin privata sfär och tillgodogöra sig de värden och funktioner som den rymmer. Frågan visar sig också vara nära relaterad till frågan om yrkets avgränsningar i stort - vad som ska rymmas inom läraruppdraget, i synnerhet i förhållande till utformningen av arbetstidens ramar. / From my experience in the beginning of my working as a teacher it was difficult to draw a line for when the working week was over, and even more difficult to end it with a feeling of complacency, which made me interested in exploring this frontier: Where is the border between the teacher's professional role and his own private sphere?  In this essay I have therefore looked at how the border between the teacher's professional role and his own private sphere is defined in the political policy documents, working agreements and the teacher's explicit professional ethics. I have also tried to give an idea of the consequences for the teacher and his or her private sphere under the conditions that prevail today. The study shows that these borders are vaguely defined, and that teachers today struggle to maintain their private sphere, and thus to take advantage of the values and functions that it contains. The question also turns out to be closely related to the issue of delimitation of the profession at large – about what should be accommodated within the teaching assignment, in particular in relation to the design of the working frame.