Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2005-09-22Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:03:02Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 andrade_cc_dr_assis.pdf: 574635 bytes, checksum: 014416161c93c37a5040f9a14278a3b4 (MD5) / O presente trabalho discute a criação, estruturação e desdobramentos do Movimento de Ética e Cidadania da cidade paranaense de Ponta Grossa tendo como referencial historiográfico a nova história política e sua relação com o estudo do tempo presente. Através do diálogo de historiadores e intelectuais das ciências humanas, a presente tese analisa uma nova modalidade de movimentos sociais, denominada de lutas cívicas nos anos de 1990. Os grupos informais, associações civis, movimentos sociais e outras categorias semelhantes começam a atuar na direção contrária dos discursos institucionais ao invés de se submeterem ao auto-referenciamento dos sistemas, buscando assim iluminar zonas de sombra e silêncio criadas pela complexidade, quase sempre advindas de uma política neoliberal nefasta. A importância de academizar o estudo do movimento ético de Ponta Grossa faz-se necessária na medida em que outras áreas das ciências humanas e sociais, tem se dedicado a uma análise sob matrizes diferentes para viabilizar situações parecidas e então promover mudanças de agendas em âmbitos municipais, estaduais e federais. Partindo do pensamento de J. Habermas acerca do agir comunicativo, uma nova esfera pública e uma democracia deliberativa, o presente trabalho quer aprofundar questões acerca da moralidade pública no Brasil e seus mecanismos administrativos e culturais. A ampliação dessas discussões tem se intensificado a cada dia e as questões correlatas ao campo historiográfico começam a despontar nos últimos anos como uma possibilidade exemplar de categorias historiográfica. Discorrendo sobre a trajetória populista do Ex-Prefeito Jocelito Canto e as práticas clientelistas e mandonistas ainda mantidas na estrutura organizacional de nosso país, o trabalho procurou entender a resistência da engenharia política proposta... / The work aims to discuss creation, organization and all aspects of ethics and citizenship movement in Ponta Grossa, state of Paraná, having as a historical reference the new political history and its relation as well as the study of present times. This thesis analyses a new kind of social movements named civic fights in the 1990's, throughout dialogues among historians and intellectual people of human sciences. Informal groups, civil associations and other categories start acting facing institucional speeches instead of submitting to self-reference of the systems, seeking for lightening darkness and silence created by complexity of an evil neoliberal policy. The importance of making in an academic study of this ethical movement in Ponta Grossa, is necessary considering that other areas of human points of view to make possible similar situations and then promote scheduled changes at municipal, stated and Federal levels. From J. Habermas' thought about communicative acting, a new public sphere and a deliberative democracy, this work discusses in a deeper way its administrative and cultural mechanisms. Such discussions have become more intense every day and issues related to the history field start to arise in the last years as an example of historic studies. By discussing the former mayor Jocelito Canto's popular trajectory, and its mandatory practice still kept in the organizational structure in our country, this work tried to understand the endurance of the political engineering proposed... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below).

Orientador: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Paulo Alves / Banca: Reinéro Antônio Lérias / Banca: Célia Reis Camargo / Banca: Ricardo Gião Bortolotti / Resumo: O presente trabalho discute a criação, estruturação e desdobramentos do Movimento de Ética e Cidadania da cidade paranaense de Ponta Grossa tendo como referencial historiográfico a nova história política e sua relação com o estudo do tempo presente. Através do diálogo de historiadores e intelectuais das ciências humanas, a presente tese analisa uma nova modalidade de movimentos sociais, denominada de lutas cívicas nos anos de 1990. Os grupos informais, associações civis, movimentos sociais e outras categorias semelhantes começam a atuar na direção contrária dos discursos institucionais ao invés de se submeterem ao auto-referenciamento dos sistemas, buscando assim iluminar zonas de sombra e silêncio criadas pela complexidade, quase sempre advindas de uma política neoliberal nefasta. A importância de academizar o estudo do movimento ético de Ponta Grossa faz-se necessária na medida em que outras áreas das ciências humanas e sociais, tem se dedicado a uma análise sob matrizes diferentes para viabilizar situações parecidas e então promover mudanças de agendas em âmbitos municipais, estaduais e federais. Partindo do pensamento de J. Habermas acerca do agir comunicativo, uma nova esfera pública e uma democracia deliberativa, o presente trabalho quer aprofundar questões acerca da moralidade pública no Brasil e seus mecanismos administrativos e culturais. A ampliação dessas discussões tem se intensificado a cada dia e as questões correlatas ao campo historiográfico começam a despontar nos últimos anos como uma possibilidade exemplar de categorias historiográfica. Discorrendo sobre a trajetória populista do Ex-Prefeito Jocelito Canto e as práticas clientelistas e mandonistas ainda mantidas na estrutura organizacional de nosso país, o trabalho procurou entender a resistência da engenharia política proposta ...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The work aims to discuss creation, organization and all aspects of ethics and citizenship movement in Ponta Grossa, state of Paraná, having as a historical reference the new political history and its relation as well as the study of present times. This thesis analyses a new kind of social movements named civic fights in the 1990's, throughout dialogues among historians and intellectual people of human sciences. Informal groups, civil associations and other categories start acting facing institucional speeches instead of submitting to self-reference of the systems, seeking for lightening darkness and silence created by complexity of an evil neoliberal policy. The importance of making in an academic study of this ethical movement in Ponta Grossa, is necessary considering that other areas of human points of view to make possible similar situations and then promote scheduled changes at municipal, stated and Federal levels. From J. Habermas' thought about communicative acting, a new public sphere and a deliberative democracy, this work discusses in a deeper way its administrative and cultural mechanisms. Such discussions have become more intense every day and issues related to the history field start to arise in the last years as an example of historic studies. By discussing the former mayor Jocelito Canto's popular trajectory, and its mandatory practice still kept in the organizational structure in our country, this work tried to understand the endurance of the political engineering proposed... (Complete abstract, click electronic access below). / Doutor

Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-08-22T16:24:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JÚLIA LORDÊLO DOS REIS TRAVESSA.pdf: 1355925 bytes, checksum: 3c775cf402dc2023d4500d9872b2b132 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-08-22T16:24:49Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JÚLIA LORDÊLO DOS REIS TRAVESSA.pdf: 1355925 bytes, checksum: 3c775cf402dc2023d4500d9872b2b132 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T16:24:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JÚLIA LORDÊLO DOS REIS TRAVESSA.pdf: 1355925 bytes, checksum: 3c775cf402dc2023d4500d9872b2b132 (MD5) / A proteção da moralidade pública não é recente no Direito Brasileiro, sendo bem jurídico recorrente tanto no âmbito constitucional quanto legal, porém de pouca ou nenhuma efetividade em refrear lesões cíveis, administrativas e penais. Neste contexto, é promulgada a Constituição Federal de 1988, profundamente ligada à dignidade humana, e eminentemente voltada, portanto, para uma compreensão do Estado como realizador da dignidade humana. As inúmeras ferramentas protetoras das diversas dimensões da dignidade humana, dentre elas a moralidade pública, trazidas pela Constituição Federal de 1988 evidenciam uma compreensão de estruturação sistêmica do ordenamento jurídico conforme valores e princípios direcionados à valorização da pessoa humana. Esta dissertação, assim, fundada na metodologia indutivo-dedutiva e na compreensão sistêmica de unidade axiológica de Canaris, busca consolidar a existência do microssistema jurídico de tutela da moralidade público como o mais adequado para uma tutela jurídica legítima e que efetivamente cumpra a promessa de tutela jurídica. / The protection of public morality is not recent in Brazilian law, receiving constitutional and infraconstitutional protection, but these legal rules (civil, administrative and criminal) haven’t been of much efficiency. In this context, comes the Federal Constitution of 1988, deeply linked to human dignity, and eminently directed, therefore, to an understanding of the state as a provider of human dignity. The numerous legal protective tools of the various dimensions of human dignity, among them the public morality, brought by the Federal constitution of 1988, makes a systemic structure around the values and principles of human dignity. This dissertation, then, based on the inductive-deductive methodology and in the systemic comprehension of Canaris that the neoconstitutional Constitution builds an axiological unit, seeks to consolidate the existence of a valid legal microsystem of the tutelage of public morality as the most appropriate legal instrument legitimated to fulfill the legal promise of protection of the public morality.

Corruption, understood as the misuse of public office for private gain, has become a matter of global concern. Numerous measures being taken, not least in South Africa, to contain its spread are increasingly regarded as attempts in "fighting corruption". The South African public sector provides the context for this study where manifestations of corrupt behaviour may be observed and analysed. Particular attention is given to the role, relevance and costs which, as this study shows, must first be calculated in monetary terms as a fiscal end in order for the task of fighting corruption to produce a sustainable impact. The national strategy developed by the South African government has been compromised by the absence of sufficient resources being committed from the national fiscus for its implementation. It is misleading to assume that new laws and tighter regulations will of themselves serve to deter corrupt practices. One notices a plethora of public administration reforms being initiated to control and prevent corruption in line with international best practice. Yet, as this study concludes, such efforts even at higher fiscal cost will not necessarily contribute to reduced corruption. No attempt should be made to create a situation of a "zero tolerance" level of corruption as this is not possible. Ultimately, the challenge for the South African public sector is to seek ways of rationalising existing resources such that a single agency led by someone with moral authority can be vested with powers to lead the fight against corruption. / Public Administration / (D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)

Il y a 150 ans, John Stuart Mill dénonçait l'emprise tyrannique de la morale publique sur la vie des individus et affirmait que le principe du préjudice à autrui constitue l'unique critère en vertu duquel l'État peut légitimement interférer avec la liberté individuelle. Près d'un siècle plus tard, en réaction au rapport Wolfenden, Lord Devlin articulait une version de la thèse du moralisme juridique en faveur du maintien de l'interdiction criminelle des pratiques homosexuelles en privé entre adultes consentants. Cette thèse du moralisme juridique a fait l'objet de nombreuses critiques. Selon deux des plus influents philosophes et théoriciens du droit du XXe siècle, Herbert L.A. Hart et Ronald Dworkin, le rôle légitime des valeurs de la communauté, dans la justification de l'intervention coerctive de l'État dans la vie des individus, doit être déterminé du point de vue de la morale critique. Ces débats philosophiques ont profondément influencé le discours judiciaire au Canada. La jurisprudence de la Cour suprême du Canada depuis l'avènement de la Charte témoigne de deux tendances dans l'interprétation et l'application du principe du préjudice lors de l'examen de la légitimité des objectifs législatifs à la première étape du test Oakes. Selon une première approche, qui légitimise souvent un activisme judiciaire, la justification des mesures attentatoires doit reposer sur la démonstration d'un préjudice aux valeurs officiellement reconnues. Selon une deuxième approche, qui préconise plutôt une attitude de déférence envers les choix moraux du législateur, la démonstration d'un préjudice n'est pas un prérequis : l'existence de considérations morales objectives suffit. / 150 years ago, John Stuart Mill denounced the tyrannical hold of public morality on the life of individuals and asserted that the principle of harm to others constituted the sole criterion under which the State may legitimately interfere with individual liberties. A century later, in response to the Wolfenden report, Lord Devlin developed a version of the legal moralism thesis which supported the criminal prohibition of homosexual practices made in private between consenting adults. This thesis of legal moralism has been widely criticized. According to two of the most influent legal philosophers and theorists of the twentieth century, Herbert L.A. Hart and Ronald Dworkin, the legitimate role of community values in the justification of coercive intervention of the State in the lives of individuals must be determined according to the principles of critical morality. These philosophical debates have profoundly influenced the judicial discourse in Canada. The Supreme Court of Canada decisions rendered since the entrenchment of the Charter show two trends in the interpretation and application of the harm principle in the examination of the legitimacy of the legislative objectives at the first stage of the Oakes test. According to the first trend, that often legitimizes judicial activism, the justification of an infringement must rely on the demonstration of a prejudice to values officially recognized. According to the second trend, which favours deference towards the legislator's moral choices, the harm principle is not a requisite: The existence of objective moral considerations suffices.

Il y a 150 ans, John Stuart Mill dénonçait l'emprise tyrannique de la morale publique sur la vie des individus et affirmait que le principe du préjudice à autrui constitue l'unique critère en vertu duquel l'État peut légitimement interférer avec la liberté individuelle. Près d'un siècle plus tard, en réaction au rapport Wolfenden, Lord Devlin articulait une version de la thèse du moralisme juridique en faveur du maintien de l'interdiction criminelle des pratiques homosexuelles en privé entre adultes consentants. Cette thèse du moralisme juridique a fait l'objet de nombreuses critiques. Selon deux des plus influents philosophes et théoriciens du droit du XXe siècle, Herbert L.A. Hart et Ronald Dworkin, le rôle légitime des valeurs de la communauté, dans la justification de l'intervention coerctive de l'État dans la vie des individus, doit être déterminé du point de vue de la morale critique. Ces débats philosophiques ont profondément influencé le discours judiciaire au Canada. La jurisprudence de la Cour suprême du Canada depuis l'avènement de la Charte témoigne de deux tendances dans l'interprétation et l'application du principe du préjudice lors de l'examen de la légitimité des objectifs législatifs à la première étape du test Oakes. Selon une première approche, qui légitimise souvent un activisme judiciaire, la justification des mesures attentatoires doit reposer sur la démonstration d'un préjudice aux valeurs officiellement reconnues. Selon une deuxième approche, qui préconise plutôt une attitude de déférence envers les choix moraux du législateur, la démonstration d'un préjudice n'est pas un prérequis : l'existence de considérations morales objectives suffit. / 150 years ago, John Stuart Mill denounced the tyrannical hold of public morality on the life of individuals and asserted that the principle of harm to others constituted the sole criterion under which the State may legitimately interfere with individual liberties. A century later, in response to the Wolfenden report, Lord Devlin developed a version of the legal moralism thesis which supported the criminal prohibition of homosexual practices made in private between consenting adults. This thesis of legal moralism has been widely criticized. According to two of the most influent legal philosophers and theorists of the twentieth century, Herbert L.A. Hart and Ronald Dworkin, the legitimate role of community values in the justification of coercive intervention of the State in the lives of individuals must be determined according to the principles of critical morality. These philosophical debates have profoundly influenced the judicial discourse in Canada. The Supreme Court of Canada decisions rendered since the entrenchment of the Charter show two trends in the interpretation and application of the harm principle in the examination of the legitimacy of the legislative objectives at the first stage of the Oakes test. According to the first trend, that often legitimizes judicial activism, the justification of an infringement must rely on the demonstration of a prejudice to values officially recognized. According to the second trend, which favours deference towards the legislator's moral choices, the harm principle is not a requisite: The existence of objective moral considerations suffices.

Corruption, understood as the misuse of public office for private gain, has become a matter of global concern. Numerous measures being taken, not least in South Africa, to contain its spread are increasingly regarded as attempts in "fighting corruption". The South African public sector provides the context for this study where manifestations of corrupt behaviour may be observed and analysed. Particular attention is given to the role, relevance and costs which, as this study shows, must first be calculated in monetary terms as a fiscal end in order for the task of fighting corruption to produce a sustainable impact. The national strategy developed by the South African government has been compromised by the absence of sufficient resources being committed from the national fiscus for its implementation. It is misleading to assume that new laws and tighter regulations will of themselves serve to deter corrupt practices. One notices a plethora of public administration reforms being initiated to control and prevent corruption in line with international best practice. Yet, as this study concludes, such efforts even at higher fiscal cost will not necessarily contribute to reduced corruption. No attempt should be made to create a situation of a "zero tolerance" level of corruption as this is not possible. Ultimately, the challenge for the South African public sector is to seek ways of rationalising existing resources such that a single agency led by someone with moral authority can be vested with powers to lead the fight against corruption. / Public Administration and Management / (D. Litt. et Phil. (Public Administration)