The focus of this thesis was to develop vocabulary materials to supplement those already in use for emergent literate Burundian refugees preparing for the U.S. Citizenship Test. These learners study in conjunction with the International Rescue Committee in Salt Lake City, Utah, and with volunteer tutors who help them study. The flashcards and supporting activities were designed to better enable tutors to teach learners highly-dense vocabulary items, as well as to provide vocabulary scaffolding support for both learners and tutors and to increase depth of vocabulary knowledge with the target vocabulary. The U.S. Citizenship Test Vocabulary Flashcards and Vocabulary Support booklet were the products of a frequency-based vocabulary analysis to provide content-focused vocabulary instruction. This thesis details the steps and rationale of the process used to create these materials.

As long as the world continues to experience war, climate change, financial adversity,and persecution; the number of refugees will only continue to grow along with the needto develop more effective and innovative integration strategies. Currently, to address theongoing challenges that refugees face in Europe, the European Commission has publishedthe Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021-2027, illustrating the criteria for theadequate inclusion of migrants and refugees in EU Member States. While focusing oneach of the key areas discussed in the Action Plan- education, employment, healthcare,and housing- the present study also turns its attention to the growing practice of CitizenScience (CS) as a potential means of contributing to the EU’s endeavours. As establishedin the literature covered in this paper, CS is understood as research practices relying onthe general public’s engagement in different research tasks that focus on matters ofcommon concern among researchers and different communities. Due to the potentialshown by this open, flexible, and participatory quality of these practices, this study hasproceeded to investigate which EU requirements for inclusion are met by CS initiativesbased on the correlations in CS principles and strategies with the EU Action Plan criteria.Following a qualitative research method based on comparative text analysis of EU andCS documents, as well as interviews with members of four CS case studies, this paperhas identified several principles and working areas that align with CS and Europeanintegration requirements for refugees. Nonetheless, the study results also show certainlimitations to the influence that CS projects can have for refugee’s integration which arebased on the short-term impacts of this practice and the lack of general acceptance anduse of CS research data among policy-makers in the EU and its Member States. Based onthese results, the usefulness and relevance of CS initiatives to integration efforts withinEurope can be said to exhibit certain potential although, limited and largely unexploredin policy-making and academia.

This paper investigates the Danish newspaper “Politiken’s” portrayal of the people forced to flee thefall of Afghanistan in August 2021 and the war in Ukraine beginning February 2021. It compares thefindings about the two groups of refugees. I use Tajfel and Turner’s (2011) social identity theory, DeGenova’s (2013) theory of the border spectacle, and Scheel and Squire’s (2014) theory of theproduction of forced migrants as illegal migrants, to explain the impact of Politiken’s discourse has onthe social reality. The method used is Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA). Thepaper finds that there is clear difference in the way Politiken portrays people forced to flee from thetwo countries. Politiken contributes to a discourse where Afghan refugees are labelled as the out-groupand categorized as illegal migrants. Opposite, the discourse used to portray the Ukrainian refugees ispositive and reinforces their belonging to the Danish in-group. They are categorized as legal migrantsand deserving of protection. This discourse extends to the social reality, and a good example is theexemption law, urgently passed to allow immediate protection of Ukrainian refugees arriving inDenmark. This paper adds an additional layer to existing research by comparing the two recent eventsof Ukraine and Afghanistan.

In 2022 the Russian invasion of Ukraine took place, which caused millions of Ukrainians to flee their homes. The refugee crisis occurred seven years earlier in 2015, and millions of refugees fled their home countries as the Ukrainian refugees did in 2022. However, during the refugee crisis of 2015 people commonly fled from countries like Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq. During these refugee waves, people have searched for asylum in Sweden. However, the political measures have differed between these two refugee waves. Therefore, research regarding Sweden’s three biggest political parties’ construction of refugees during these two events is significant.  This essay examines how the construction of refugees differs between the refugee crisis of 2015 and the Ukrainian refugee wave of 2022 within the Swedish parliament. To do so, a critical discourse analysis has been applied while analyzing protocols from the Swedish parliament. The findings show that the three political parties constructed refugees differently depending on their geographical origin. Ukrainian refugees were constructed in more positive terms and often as victims in need of help compared to non-European refugees, who were constructed in more negative terms and often as a burden or a threat. Additionally, this might be the explanation regarding why refugees were securitized in 2015 and why they were not in 2022, which this essay showed.

Since 2015 Canada has welcomed 44,620 Syrian refugees. The research on Syrian refugees in Canada has mainly focused on their immediate health needs, communicable diseases, and chronic illnesses. Aside from maternal health, the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) needs of Syrian refugee women is undocumented in Canada. To address this gap in the literature we conducted a qualitative study in Ottawa, Ontario that involved in-depth interviews with Syrian refugee women and individuals who provide health services to them. When accessing SRH services Syrian women identified a preference for women providers, faced difficulty adjusting to societal norms during the perinatal period, felt that contraception counselling was not culturally informed, and struggled with their maternal mental health. Key informants mainly echoed these findings and expressed a need for more cultural competency/humility training, interpretation services, and trauma-informed counselling. The path to improving SRH services for Syrian women is complex, but highly warranted.

The 2003 United States (U.S.)-led invasion and occupation of Iraq caused hundreds of thousands of deaths and led to the displacement of millions of individuals in that country. Between March 20, 2003 and late 2017, more than 172,000 Iraqis left their country as refugees and resettled in the United States. This dissertation focuses on a small cohort of that population who resettled in various locations in the U.S. after 2003. This research contributes an empirical and theoretical exploration of the possibilities for political agency for resettled Iraqis in the United States. Grounded in literature suggesting those displaced commonly experience constrained agency framed as "silence/ing" and/or "voicelessness," I identify three requirements to democratic participation: sufficient time to exercise voice, adequate information and attenuating lingering suspicion of (authoritarian) government. Moreover, despite constraints, opportunities for engagement existed including discussion and dialogue; civil society volunteering; and activism. Drawing on 15 semi-structured qualitative interviews, this work first critically explores the American invasion of Iraq and the social and political breakdown that it triggered in that country. I argue that the conflict was an aggressive war and that, consequently, the United States should be held responsible for all of the harm it has caused to the people of Iraq. I describe the violence committed by the American military and I trace the connections between the erosion of interviewees' personal safety and their decisions to leave Iraq and resettle in the U.S. I contend that their various personal decisions to seek refuge were important agentic acts. I then delve into participants' post-resettlement opportunities for belonging in American society and analyze several ways that negative media and government discourses and policies concerning refugees, Arabs, and Muslims contributed to experiences of constraint, unease and precarity. I explore the importance of finding opportunities to engage in personal and cultural exchange with friends, neighbors and colleagues. Thereafter, I examine participants' experiences and understandings of democratic membership. Elaborating several critiques of American political institutions shared by the interviewees, I consider three requirements they identified to democratic participation: sufficient time, sufficient information to make informed decisions and the lingering effects of having lived under an authoritarian government in Iraq. Subsequently, I explore the multiple sites and modes of engagement and participation shared by participants, including dialogue, debate and discussion about the decisions that affect their lives as well as volunteering with community and nonprofit organizations focused on various types of activities, and activism in response to the Trump 2017 Travel Ban. I argue that broad social mobilization and public invocation of norms of welcoming and diversity by native-born Americans can be powerful tools to enlarge spaces for democratic agency for refugees otherwise targeted by discriminatory government actions. I then return to the question of "silence" in refuge that prompted this study and the importance of deliberate, daily interactions and exchange among newcomers and native-born Americans to expand spaces for resettled refugees to engage in American society. Thereafter, I examine the salience of local organizations and activities as sites of engagement and venues for expressions of agency for those I interviewed. I then outline possible directions for future research investigating the role(s) of refugee-led organizations in resettlement and community building. I close by describing the implications this work has for policy and activism. / Doctor of Philosophy / The 2003 United States (U.S.)-led invasion and occupation of Iraq caused hundreds of thousands of deaths and led to the displacement of millions of individuals in that country. Between March 20, 2003 and late 2017 more than 172,000 Iraqis left their country as refugees and resettled in the United States. This dissertation focuses on a small cohort of that population who resettled in various locations in the U.S. after 2003. This research contributes an exploration of the possibilities for political agency for resettled Iraqis in the United States. Grounded in literature suggesting those displaced commonly experience constrained agency framed as “silence/ing” and/or “voicelessness,” I identify three requirements to democratic participation: sufficient time, adequate information and attenuating lingering suspicion of (authoritarian) government. Moreover, despite constraints, opportunities for engagement existed including discussion and dialogue; civil society volunteering; and activism. Drawing on 15 qualitative interviews, this work first explores the American invasion of Iraq and the social and political breakdown in that country that it triggered. I argue that the conflict was an aggressive war and that, consequently, the United States should be held responsible for all of the harm it has caused to the people of Iraq. I describe the violence committed by the American military and I trace the connections between the erosion of interviewees’ personal safety and their decisions to leave Iraq and resettle in the U.S. I then delve into participants’ post-resettlement opportunities for belonging in American society and analyze several ways that negative media portrayals and government policies concerning refugees, Arabs, and Muslims shaped those resettled individuals’ life experiences. I explore the importance for interviewees of finding opportunities to engage in personal and cultural exchange with their friends, neighbors and colleagues. Thereafter, I examine participants’ experiences and understandings of democratic membership. I then consider three requirements interviewees identified to democratic participation: sufficient time, adequate information to make informed decisions and the lingering effects of having lived under an authoritarian government in Iraq. Subsequently, I describe the multiple sites and modes of engagement and participation shared by interviewees including dialogue, debate and discussion about the decisions that affect their lives, volunteering with community and nonprofit organizations and activism in response to the Trump 2017 Travel Ban. I argue that broad social mobilization and public invocation of norms of welcoming and diversity by native-born Americans can be powerful tools to enlarge participatory spaces for refugees. I then return to the question of silent refuge that prompted this study and the importance of deliberate, daily interactions and exchange among newcomers and native-born Americans to expand spaces for resettled refugees to engage in American society. Thereafter, I examine the importance of local organizations and activities for participants. I then outline possible directions for future research investigating the role(s) of refugee-led organizations in resettlement and community building. I close by describing the implications this work has for policy and activism.

The numbers of unaccompanied children / young people who comes to Sweden to seek asylum has markedly increased. Migration Board forecasts point not either on that the growth will halt. When the unaccompanied children comes to Sweden they often have separate traumatic events in their luggage but previous studies from children in conflict countries shows that there are conditions in the destination country that will affect them in the long run. Therefore, a good establishment in the society of great significance for the unaccompanied children / young people's future. The purpose of this study was to investigate the factors that may be contributing to a positive presence in the community. The study is based on two focus where one is on the staff at shelters for unaccompanied children / young people working with children / young people's presence in the community. The second is directed against the unaccompanied children / young people's own experiences of meeting with Swedish society, based on the capabilities and limitations of their establishment. Interviews were conducted with staff working on hvb - lodging for unaccompanied children / young people and the children / young people living on the premises. Currently 13 of 14 municipalities in Norrbotten accept unaccompanied children / adolescents. Of the 13 municipalities which currently conducts accommodations for unaccompanied children / adolescents were Boden, Kiruna, Övertorneå and Arjeplog. Municipalities were selected by its regional spread to thus create a relatively reliable and presentable picture of Norrbotten. Results are based partly on the interviews but also from the relevant literature. In the interviews with young people reveals that they are relatively satisfied and happy with their lives in Sweden. Most of them have an active outdoor life and lots of friends. It was stated, however, that it lacked venues where people could meet and connect with Swedish adolescents as school situation was perceived as very segregated. To get in touch with Swedish adolescents perceived as important both for a faster learning of the language, but also to gain more contacts whatsoever. In the interviews with residential staff, it is clear that they considered the most important work was to try to get young people in society, but they saw some limitations. Even the staff points at the importance of more integrated schools and other venues where Swedish adolescents and young people from other nationalities can meet. / <p>Validerat; 20130618 (global_studentproject_submitter)</p>

At the end of 2018, more than 68.5 million people were displaced from their homes. Of these displaced persons, 22.5 million of these people were forced to leave their homes and find safety in another country. These people are known globally as refugees. Many of these refugees in recent years have fled to Western countries in Europe and North America. This immigration and the general subject of refugees and their integration into their host countries have recently been a large subject for media. Many of these refugees came from countries and cultures that may carry stigmatic backgrounds including Middle Eastern and African countries. For decades, media portrayals in entertainment, social, media, and news media have shown people from these countries in certain ways that may conflict with truthful characteristics of people from these cultures. The purpose of this study is to help better understand how refugees personal assimilation experiences compare to information distributed by the media. Through researching existing studies of media portrayals of refugees and Muslims through the lens of framing theory readers can better understand what information is distributed in Western cultures about refugees. Then, through conducting in-depth interviews with refugees hosted in Europe and the United States, seeking understanding of refugees personal stories, life experiences, and their perceptions of media representations of people of their same refugee status, readers may additionally better understand any differences in the portrayal of refugees and the experiences had by refugees themselves. Using grounded theory, poignant themes emerged from the interviews to explain how interviewed refugees lives are similar or differ and are affected by Western media portrayals. Emergent themes indicated that primarily polarized news accounts may interfere with refugee acculturation by making social and cultural connections difficult, discrepancies in qualifications, and issues with misunderstanding refugees lack of mobility. Additionally, refugee sentiments about refugee media portrayals and acculturation were evaluated to better understand how the media affects their assimilation processes.

SARAH ADJEKUM B.A., B.S.W. A Research Project Submitted to the School of Social Work in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Social Work McMaster University 2016 / As observed with the ongoing migrant crises, media coverage of refugee and asylum seekers connects the concepts of mental health and trauma to their experiences. The resulting discourse around refugees pathologizes the refugee identity and simultaneously obscures the violence that necessitates their departure from their home countries. As refugee discourse incorporates discourses of mental health, it also legitimizes nation state’s practice social control towards these populations through detention. As the utilization of technologies of securitization is normalized, detention has become increasingly accepted as a response to humanitarian crises. Past research on detention has consistently demonstrated the harmful effects it has on children, adults, and especially individuals with symptoms of mental illness. In particular, research drawing on trauma and mental health discourse has been effective in bringing attention to the counterproductive outcomes of detention. This paper is concerned with the employment of discourses of mental health and trauma by mainstream media as they pertain to the treatment of migrants in detention in Canada. It explores the media’s role in the re(creation) of refugee discourse and purveyors of racial ideology that problematizes people of colour and demands state intervention in the form of mental health aid. Using critical discourse analysis, it contrasted mainstream media coverage of four major publications on detention. This study finds prevalent use of mental health discourse and little mention of violence in several online publications. It also finds that recommendations made in the articles emphasized micro and mezzo focused changes that are unable to challenge federal policy that enables securitization. Nor is it capable of addressing the forms of violence inherent to the mental health system. As such, this paper makes recommendations for a critical examination of refugee and immigration policy that takes into account the states’ participation in the creation of refugee crises. / Thesis / Master of Social Work (MSW)

No description available.