Thesis -- Universität Basel, 1929. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [v]-ix.

Targeted sanctions’ impact over rebel groups has not been examined by scholars, making it unclear whether the policy mechanism has the capacity to peacefully resolve intrastate armed conflicts and cease hostilities by weakening rebel groups. Considering the mentioned, the paper explores how targeted sanctions impact rebel groups, and suggests that properly monitored and effectively enforced targeted sanctions have the capacity to weaken rebel groups, via shortening rebels’ economic, military and political resources. Using the method of structured, focused comparison, the suggested hypothesis is empirically tested on the rebel groups of Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in Angola. The findings of the study revealed that effectively monitored and enforced targeted sanctions are capable of lessening rebels’ military and political resources, however, observing sanctions impact on economic resources proved difficult. Based on the analyses and findings the paper suggests that imposition of targeted sanctions should be initiated at the early warning phase of a conflict, rather at the point when the intensity of conflict has reached its peak.

Diss.--Philosophischen Fakultät--Universität Köln, 1992. / Bibliogr. p. 753-862. Index.

Between 1991 and 2000, Sierra Leone experienced massive state and economic decline amidst a brutal civil war. In a country that is minerally wealthy, but ruled by a corrupt and predatory government, a `revolutionary¿ movement known as the RUF emerged, terrorising the civilian population and profiting from the unsecured diamond industry. The classic causes given for Sierra Leone¿s state collapse and consequent civil war have in large centred around the adverse effects of colonialism, civil unrest due to rampant governmental kleptocracy, and regional conflict spillover. However, the multiplicity of actors in Sierra Leone and the complexity of the environment demonstrate that the ten year civil war revolved predominantly around the country¿s highly lucrative diamonds. Indoctrinated in Qadafi¿s Libya and trained by Taylor¿s NPFL rebels in Liberia, the RUF insurgency created links through Charles Taylor to international criminals such as weapon¿s dealer Victor Bout, and international terrorists including al Qaeda. In just a few years Sierra Leone attained the dubious distinction of being one of the most globalised informal and illegal economies in the world. To the backdrop of Sierra Leone¿s collapsed state, economic vacuum and brutal civil war, and within the context of contemporary economic globalisation and an international `War on Terror¿, this paper discusses the local, regional and international levels of economic exploitation throughout the wartime period, and highlights how informal economies are inherently prone to large scale criminal predation.

Targeted sanctions have become a commonly used conflict management tool over the last decades. Yet, operating in the state-centric context, previous research has highlighted the unintended negative effects of the instrument. What remains understudied is the effects of targeted sanctions on rebel groups' behavior. Acknowledging that sanctions are never imposed in isolation, this thesis seeks to explore the effects of targeted sanctions on rebel groups' violence against civilians and how the presence of peacekeeping influences this. This thesis argues that targeted sanctions increase a rebel group's violence against civilians through the mechanism of constrained resources and decreased capabilities to provide selective incentives to its fighters. Peacekeeping counter this mechanism by acting as a physical barrier between the combatants and the civilians, ultimately altering the cost-benefit analysis. UNITA in Angola and RUF in Sierra Leone are examined using a within-case and an across-case comparison. The findings lend mixed support to the notion that targeted sanctions increase a rebel group's violence against civilians. However, the results support the second hypothesis; peacekeeping appears to counterbalance the adverse effects of targeted sanctions on rebel groups' violence against civilians.

Targeted sanctions have become increasingly utilized as conflict management tool to safeguard global peace and security. In recent years, there have been a global push to utilize this tool to specifically address conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Yet, there is a dearth in research on how the imposition of targeted sanctions effect the prevalence of CRSV. This thesis aims to contribute to this alarmingly understudied relationship between targeted sanctions and CRSV by investigating the following research question: what impact do targeted sanctions have on the perpetration of CRSV by rebel groups? Thus, I employ a structured, focused comparison of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Uganda to test a theoretical theory which argues that targeted sanctions may increase the prevalence of CRSV perpetrated by the targeted rebel group. The empirical findings give partial support to both the proposed hypothesis and the theorized ‘selective incentive’ casual mechanism. However, the findings also suggest less effective sanctions may result in the hypothesized increase in wartime sexual violence perpetrated by the targeted actor, while more effective, debilitating sanctions may a decrease alongside other interventions.

La guerre civile en Sierra Leone débute en 1991 et dure jusqu’en 2002.Encore aujourd’hui, les analystes sont assez partagés sur ses causes, notamment lesmotivations des rebelles du Front Révolutionnaire Uni (RUF), mouvement àl’origine des hostilités. De son entrée en Sierra Leone à nos jours, le RUF a étél’objet de plusieurs débats et critiques, tant sur son organisation que sur sesméthodes guerrières. En questionnant d’abord la capacité organisationnelle de cemouvement, la thèse a pour objet de contextualiser les arguments souvent associésavec des guerres civiles de ce type. Ils insistent sur l’absence de sens : ces conflitsillustreraient d’abord une situation de chaos total. Elles seraient aussi laconséquence de l’absence ou de la défaillance d’un État.Cette présente étude s’inscrit dans le prolongement des débats sur le RUF.Elle démontre que ce dernier n’était pas si désorganisé que ce que racontent lescommentateurs, avertis ou non. Cette opinion répandue résulte notamment d’unemédiatisation intense de son usage intensif de la violence extrême, très réellecependant. Le RUF n’était pas qu’un groupe de voleurs de diamants sanguinairesmais aussi une force assez structurée avec une logique hiérarchique claire, voireune idéologie. Grâce à ces facteurs, il a mis en place des structures lui permettantd’établir les relations de gouvernant à gouvernés avec les populations urbainessous son contrôle. Cette force rebelle a instauré un mode de gestion de lacollectivité. Cela a modifié la nature de ce groupe armé, devenu, dans les zonessous son contrôle, un « appareil administratif » civil, loin d’être toujoursperformant mais bien identifiable comme tel.En juxtaposant les interactions complexes d’une gouvernance quotidienne,la thèse met en lumière les méthodes de gouvernance du RUF et les aspects dits« normaux » de la vie dans ces villes en guerre. Elle analyse les variables de larelation entre les membres du mouvement rebelle occupant ces communes et lapopulation locale. Une fois une ville conquise, les rebelles sont obligés d’y fairequelque chose. Le RUF impose un « système administratif » instaurant un ordre devie en commun dans toute cette zone.L’étude analyse donc ces outils de la gouvernance civile, mobilisés entemps de guerre. Au cours de cet étude, plusieurs recherches de terrain en SierraLeone, ont été menées. Ces séjours sur place ont permis la réalisation de plusieursentretiens, individuels et collectifs. Ils soutiennent les idées générales exposéesdans cette thèse. / The war in Sierra Leone began in 1991 and ended in 2002. Analysts remaindivided on the question of its cause, particularly on the issue of the motivations ofthe rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF), the armed group which started thehostilities. From its entry into Sierra Leone to date; the RUF has been the subjectof much debate and criticism, both on its organization and its methods of wagingwar. By asking questions relating to the organizational capacity of the RUF, thisstudy aims to contextualize the central arguments often associated with civil warsof the Sierra Leonean kind: they insist on the absence of meaning; these conflictsillustrate a situation of chaos and/or are devoid of political reflections. They arealso the consequence of the absence or failure of a State.This present study continues these discussions in relation to the RUF, bydemonstrating that this guerilla force was not as disorganized as often portrayed,despite increased media coverage on its use of violence. The RUF was not a groupof murderous diamond thieves but also quite structured with a clear hierarchicallogic or ideology. Through this internal organisation, it set up structures toestablish governor/governed relations with urban populations under its control.The rebel force thus established a system to manage these local communities. Suchconsiderations changed the nature of the armed group in the areas under itscontrol, where it established a civil "administrative unit", far from being efficientbut identifiable as such.By juxtaposing the complex interactions of daily governance, the thesishighlights the governance practices of the RUF and the aspects that characterise"normal" life in these « war torn » towns. It analyzes the variables of therelationship between members of the rebel movement occupying these towns andthe local population. Once a town is conquered, the rebels are forced to dosomething there, an "administrative system" establishing an order of coexistence inthe whole area is imposed.The study therefore analyzes the tools of civil governance, mobilized intime of war. During this study, several field research trips to Sierra Leone, wereconducted. These trips have allowed the realization of several interviews,individual and collective. They support the general ideas presented in this thesis.

La guerre civile en Sierra Leone débute en 1991 et dure jusqu'en 2002. Encore aujourd'hui, les analystes sont assez partagés sur ses causes, notamment les motivations des rebelles du Front Révolutionnaire Uni (RUF), mouvement à l'origine des hostilités. De son entrée en Sierra Leone à nos jours, le RUF a été l'objet de plusieurs débats et critiques, tant sur son organisation que sur ses méthodes guerrières. En questionnant d'abord la capacité organisationnelle de ce mouvement, la thèse a pour objet de contextualiser les arguments souvent associés avec des guerres civiles de ce type. Ils insistent sur l'absence de sens : ces conflits illustreraient d'abord une situation de chaos total. Elles seraient aussi la conséquence de l'absence ou de la défaillance d'un État. Cette présente étude s'inscrit dans le prolongement des débats sur le RUF. Elle démontre que ce dernier n'était pas si désorganisé que ce que racontent les commentateurs, avertis ou non. Cette opinion répandue résulte notamment d'une médiatisation intense de son usage intensif de la violence extrême, très réelle cependant. Le RUF n'était pas qu'un groupe de voleurs de diamants sanguinaires mais aussi une force assez structurée avec une logique hiérarchique claire, voire une idéologie. Grâce à ces facteurs, il a mis en place des structures lui permettant d'établir les relations de gouvernant à gouvernés avec les populations urbaines sous son contrôle. Cette force rebelle a instauré un mode de gestion de la collectivité. Cela a modifié la nature de ce groupe armé, devenu, dans les zones sous son contrôle, un " appareil administratif " civil, loin d'être toujours performant mais bien identifiable comme tel. En juxtaposant les interactions complexes d'une gouvernance quotidienne, la thèse met en lumière les méthodes de gouvernance du RUF et les aspects dits " normaux " de la vie dans ces villes en guerre. Elle analyse les variables de la relation entre les membres du mouvement rebelle occupant ces communes et la population locale. Une fois une ville conquise, les rebelles sont obligés d'y faire quelque chose. Le RUF impose un " système administratif " instaurant un ordre de vie en commun dans toute cette zone. L'étude analyse donc ces outils de la gouvernance civile, mobilisés en temps de guerre. Au cours de cet étude, plusieurs recherches de terrain en Sierra Leone, ont été menées. Ces séjours sur place ont permis la réalisation de plusieurs entretiens, individuels et collectifs. Ils soutiennent les idées générales exposées dans cette thèse.

This study which is the product of library research and fieldwork seeks, on account of the persistent marginalisation of African Traditional Religion (ATR) in Sierra Leone by Islam and Christianity, to investigate the place of ATR in inter-religious encounters in the country since the advent of Islam and Christianity. As in most of sub-Saharan Africa, ATR is the indigenous religion of Sierra Leone. When the early forebears and later progenitors of Islam and Christianity arrived, they met Sierra Leone indigenes with a remarkable knowledge of God and a structured religious system. Successive Muslim clerics, traders, and missionaries were respectful of and sensitive to the culture and religion of the indigenes who accommodated them and offered them hospitality. This approach resulted in a syncretistic brand of Islam. In contrast, most Christian missionaries adopted an exclusive and insensitive approach to African culture and religiosity. Christianity, especially Protestantism, demanded a complete abandonment of African culture and religion, and a total dedication to Christianity. This attitude has continued by some indigenous clerics and religious leaders to the extent that Sierra Leone Indigenous Religion (SLIR) and it practitioners continue to be marginalised in Sierra Leone's inter-religious dialogue and cooperation. Although the indigenes of Sierra Leone were and continue to be hospitable to Islam and Christianity, and in spite of the fact that SLIR shares affinity with Islam and Christianity in many theological and practical issues, and even though there are many Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality and culture, Muslim and Christian leaders of these immigrant religions are reluctant to include Traditionalists in interfaith issues in the country. The formation and constitution of the Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL) which has local and international recognition did not include ATR. These considerations, then beg the questions: * Why have Muslim and Christian leaders long marginalised ATR, its practices and practitioners from interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone? * What is lacking in ATR that continues to prevent practitioners of Christianity and Islam from officially involving Traditionalists in the socio-religious development of the country? Muslim and Christians have given several factors that are responsible for this exclusion: * The prejudices that they inherited from their forebears * ATR lacks the hallmarks of a true religion * ATR is primitive and economically weak * The fear that the accommodation of ATR will result in syncretism and nominalism * Muslims see no need to dialogue with ATR practitioners, most of whom they considered to be already Muslims Considering the commonalities ATR shares with Islam and Christianity, and the number of Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality, these factors are not justifiable. Although Islam and Christianity are finding it hard to recognise and include ATR in interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone, ATR continues to play a vital role in Sierra Leone's national politics, in the search and maintenance of employment, and in the judicial sector. ATR played a crucial part during and after the civil war. The national government in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) report acknowledged the importance and contribution of traditional culture and spirituality during and after the war. Outside of Sierra Leone, the progress in the place and level of the recognition of ATR continues. At varying degrees, the Sociétié Africaine de Culture (SAC) in France, the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC), the Vatican, and the World Council of Churches, have taken positive steps to recognise and find a place for ATR in their structures. Much about the necessity for dialogue and cooperation with ATR can be learnt in the works and efforts of these secular and religious bodies. If nothing else, there are two main reasons why Islam and Christianity in Sierra Leone must be in dialogue with ATR: * Dialogue of life or in community. People living side-by-side meet and interact personally and communally on a regular basis. They share common resources and communal benefits. These factors compel people to be in dialogue * Dual religiosity. As many Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are still holding on to ATR practices, it is crucial for Muslims and Christians to dialogue with ATR practitioners. If Muslims and Christians are serious about meeting and starting a process of dialogue with Traditionalists, certain practical issues have to be considered: * Islam and Christianity have to validate and accept ATR as a true religion and a viable partner in the socio-religious landscape of Sierra Leone * Muslims and Christians must educate themselves about ATR, and the scriptures and teachings of their respective religious traditions in order to relate well with Traditionalists These are starting points that can produce successful results. Although at present Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are finding it difficult to initiate dialogue and cooperation with Traditionalists, all hope is not lost. It is now the task of the established IRCSL to ensure the inclusion of ATR. Islam and Christianity must remember that when they came as strangers, ATR, played host to them and has played and continues to play a vital role in providing hospitality, and allowing them to blossom on African soil. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

This study which is the product of library research and fieldwork seeks, on account of the persistent marginalisation of African Traditional Religion (ATR) in Sierra Leone by Islam and Christianity, to investigate the place of ATR in inter-religious encounters in the country since the advent of Islam and Christianity. As in most of sub-Saharan Africa, ATR is the indigenous religion of Sierra Leone. When the early forebears and later progenitors of Islam and Christianity arrived, they met Sierra Leone indigenes with a remarkable knowledge of God and a structured religious system. Successive Muslim clerics, traders, and missionaries were respectful of and sensitive to the culture and religion of the indigenes who accommodated them and offered them hospitality. This approach resulted in a syncretistic brand of Islam. In contrast, most Christian missionaries adopted an exclusive and insensitive approach to African culture and religiosity. Christianity, especially Protestantism, demanded a complete abandonment of African culture and religion, and a total dedication to Christianity. This attitude has continued by some indigenous clerics and religious leaders to the extent that Sierra Leone Indigenous Religion (SLIR) and it practitioners continue to be marginalised in Sierra Leone's inter-religious dialogue and cooperation. Although the indigenes of Sierra Leone were and continue to be hospitable to Islam and Christianity, and in spite of the fact that SLIR shares affinity with Islam and Christianity in many theological and practical issues, and even though there are many Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality and culture, Muslim and Christian leaders of these immigrant religions are reluctant to include Traditionalists in interfaith issues in the country. The formation and constitution of the Inter-Religious Council of Sierra Leone (IRCSL) which has local and international recognition did not include ATR. These considerations, then beg the questions: * Why have Muslim and Christian leaders long marginalised ATR, its practices and practitioners from interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone? * What is lacking in ATR that continues to prevent practitioners of Christianity and Islam from officially involving Traditionalists in the socio-religious development of the country? Muslim and Christians have given several factors that are responsible for this exclusion: * The prejudices that they inherited from their forebears * ATR lacks the hallmarks of a true religion * ATR is primitive and economically weak * The fear that the accommodation of ATR will result in syncretism and nominalism * Muslims see no need to dialogue with ATR practitioners, most of whom they considered to be already Muslims Considering the commonalities ATR shares with Islam and Christianity, and the number of Muslims and Christians who still hold on to traditional spirituality, these factors are not justifiable. Although Islam and Christianity are finding it hard to recognise and include ATR in interfaith dialogue and cooperation in Sierra Leone, ATR continues to play a vital role in Sierra Leone's national politics, in the search and maintenance of employment, and in the judicial sector. ATR played a crucial part during and after the civil war. The national government in its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) report acknowledged the importance and contribution of traditional culture and spirituality during and after the war. Outside of Sierra Leone, the progress in the place and level of the recognition of ATR continues. At varying degrees, the Sociétié Africaine de Culture (SAC) in France, the All Africa Conference of Churches (AACC), the Vatican, and the World Council of Churches, have taken positive steps to recognise and find a place for ATR in their structures. Much about the necessity for dialogue and cooperation with ATR can be learnt in the works and efforts of these secular and religious bodies. If nothing else, there are two main reasons why Islam and Christianity in Sierra Leone must be in dialogue with ATR: * Dialogue of life or in community. People living side-by-side meet and interact personally and communally on a regular basis. They share common resources and communal benefits. These factors compel people to be in dialogue * Dual religiosity. As many Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are still holding on to ATR practices, it is crucial for Muslims and Christians to dialogue with ATR practitioners. If Muslims and Christians are serious about meeting and starting a process of dialogue with Traditionalists, certain practical issues have to be considered: * Islam and Christianity have to validate and accept ATR as a true religion and a viable partner in the socio-religious landscape of Sierra Leone * Muslims and Christians must educate themselves about ATR, and the scriptures and teachings of their respective religious traditions in order to relate well with Traditionalists These are starting points that can produce successful results. Although at present Muslims and Christians in Sierra Leone are finding it difficult to initiate dialogue and cooperation with Traditionalists, all hope is not lost. It is now the task of the established IRCSL to ensure the inclusion of ATR. Islam and Christianity must remember that when they came as strangers, ATR, played host to them and has played and continues to play a vital role in providing hospitality, and allowing them to blossom on African soil. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)