Cette Thèse de Doctorat a comme but développer une analyse de quelques idées formulées dans le cadre du discours racialiste et du discours eugéniste produits au Brésil pendant le période que s’étend entre 1870 et 1940. L’enquête, bien que ne pas exclusivement, suivi le sentier des théorisations du philosophe Michel Foucault. La généalogie foucaldienne est utilisé comme perspectif historique d’analyse pour soutenir que les théories racialistes et les théories eugénistes produits ici ont été institués et, de même façon, ont institué des effets relatifs à ce que Foucault a appelé comme biopouvoir : pouvoir qui a par objet la vie l’homme. Je cherche de problématiser, en premier lieu, l’émergence du discours eugéniste produit au Brésil pendant le début du XXème siècle, compte tenu ses liens généalogiques avec les théories raciales produits au fin du XIXème siècle ; en deuxième lieu, la façon comme ce tipe spécifique de discours scientifique a cherché de définir l’éducation comme élément essentiale pour le succès de son projet de amélioration de la population brésilienne. / A presente Tese de Doutorado tem como propósito analisar algumas das ideias formuladas no âmbito do discurso racialista e do discurso eugenista produzidos no Brasil durante o período que se estende entre 1870 e 1940. A investigação, embora não exclusivamente, se coloca na trilha das teorizações do filósofo francês Michel Foucault. A genealogia foucaultiana é tomada como perspectiva de análise histórica para sustentar a ideia de que as teorias racialistas e eugenistas por aqui produzidas foram instituídas e instituíram efeitos relativos ao funcionamento do que Foucault chamou de biopoder: poder que tem por objeto a vida do homem. Procura-se problematizar, em primeiro lugar, a emergência do discurso eugenista produzido no Brasil durante as primeiras décadas do século XX, tendo em vista seus vínculos genealógicos com as teorias raciais produzidas nas últimas décadas do século XIX; em segundo lugar, a forma como esse discurso científico formulado pelos teóricos eugenistas locais procurou definir a educação como elemento essencial para o sucesso de seu projeto de melhoramento racial da população brasileira. / This doctoral dissertation aims to analyze some ideas formulated in the light of racialist and eugenicist discourse which was produced in Brazil during the period extending from 1870 to 1940. The investigation, though not solely, is based on the theories proposed by the French philosopher Michel Foucault. Foucault's genealogy is taken as the historical analytical perspective to support the claim that the racialist theories and the eugenicist theories, produced here, were determined and determined effects on the operation of what Foucault called biopower, namely, a kind of power which has man's life as its object. The present work aims to discuss, first, the emergence of eugenicist discourse produced in Brazil during the first decades of the twentieth century in the light of their connections with racial theories produced in the last decades of the nineteenth century; secondly, how this scientific discourse formulated by local eugenicist theoreticians tried to define education as a crucial element for the success of the racial improvement project which was conceived for the Brazilian population.

Submitted by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2014-09-16T21:13:26Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação_-_Rafael_Fúculo_Porciúncula.pdf: 1248329 bytes, checksum: 97ffcd1301b65d21e69ead15f4c25f5f (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Aline Batista (alinehb.ufpel@gmail.com) on 2014-09-16T21:41:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação_-_Rafael_Fúculo_Porciúncula.pdf: 1248329 bytes, checksum: 97ffcd1301b65d21e69ead15f4c25f5f (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-09-16T21:42:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação_-_Rafael_Fúculo_Porciúncula.pdf: 1248329 bytes, checksum: 97ffcd1301b65d21e69ead15f4c25f5f (MD5) license_rdf: 19874 bytes, checksum: 38cb62ef53e6f513db2fb7e337df6485 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / A discussão suscitada nos últimos anos a respeito da possível presença de ideais preconceituosos nas produções do escritor paulista Monteiro Lobato (1882-1948) instigou a análise de seu ―pensamento racial‖, com o intuito de averiguar se, de alguma maneira, o seu discurso não ficcional dialoga com as representações dadas à mesma temática em suas criações literárias. O estopim da polêmica supracitada foi a acusação, relatada em Parecer do Conselho Nacional da Educação (CNE), de que a obra pertencente ao Programa Nacional Biblioteca da Escola, Caçadas de Pedrinho (1933), de Monteiro Lobato, representava o ―negro‖ e o ―universo africano‖ de maneira estereotipada e preconceituosa. Por conseguinte, diante das múltiplas interpretações constatadas, essa investigação buscou analisar a evolução do pensamento lobatiano sobre a questão racial de acordo o contexto histórico-social em que Lobato viveu e as ideias às quais se afiliou. Assim, o exame de seus enunciados revela distintas associações a teorias sobre o tema, ora com uma visão crítica sobre a miscigenação, ora com a aderência aos projetos sanitaristas ou eugenistas do início do século XX. Através de suas declarações, observou-se que o criador do ―Sítio do Picapau Amarelo‖ acreditava na existência de uma superioridade branca em relação às outras ―raças‖, relacionando-a, por diversas vezes, a um suposto arquétipo intelectual, cultural e fisionômico. Paralelamente, examinou-se suas narrativas literárias desde uma perspectiva que visasse averiguar como o racialismo está representado em seu discurso ficcional. Por conseguinte, constatou-se que os ideais raciais presentes na obra literária do escritor coincidem com suas concepções sobre o tema. Seja através das palavras do narrador, seja pela caracterização física e psicológica dada às personagens ou pelas relações estabelecidas entre elas, nota-se que o ―negro‖ e o ―mestiço‖ são, constantemente, associados à subalternidade, à fealdade, à ignorância e ao atraso cultural, em oposição à autoridade, à beleza, à inteligência e à cultura avançada do ―branco‖. / The discussion raised in recent years about the possible presence of prejudicial ideals in the productions of Monteiro Lobato (1882-1948) prompted the analysis of his "racial thinking" in order to ascertain whether, somehow, his nonfictional discourse is linked with the representations given to the same theme in his literary creations. The reason of the controversy aforementioned was the charge reported in the National Education Council Report (CNE), that the work which belongs to the National School Library Program, Caçadas de Pedrinho (1933), written by Monteiro Lobato, represented the ―black‖ and ―African universe!‖ in a stereotyped and prejudicial way. Therefore, given the multiple interpretations noted, this study aimed at analyzing the evolution of Lobato‘s thinking about race according to historical and social context in which he lived and the ideas to which he was affiliated. Thus, the examination of his enunciations reveals distinct associations to theories on the subject, sometimes with a critical view of miscegenation, and sometimes with adherence to the sanitary or eugenicists projects of the early twentieth century. Through his statements, it was observed that the creator of Sítio do Picapau Amarelo believed in the existence of white superiority over other ―races‖, relating it several times to a supposed intellectual, cultural and physiognomic archetype. In parallel, we examined their literary narratives from a perspective that aims at ascertaining how racialism is represented in his fictional discourse. Therefore, it was found that racialn ideals present in the literary work of the writer coincides with his views on the subject.Both through the words of the narrator and the physical and psychological characterization given to the characters, or the relationships established between them, it is possible to note that the ―black‖ and ―mestizo‖ are constantly associated with the concepts of subordination, ugliness, ignorance and cultural backwardness, as opposed to authority, beauty, intelligence and advanced culture of the ―white‖.

While research on the different expressions of racism in media has been closely linked to the understanding of stereotypes in a plethora of research, little is known about the journalists' perspectives and experiences of racism. However, in 2020, an anti-racist manifesto called “Whose SR?” (Vems SR?” 2021) was published online where the Swedish public radio Sveriges Radio (SR) was criticized by current and former employees for its lack of diverse representation and for having a work-environment where non-white journalists are marginalized.  Drawing upon the framework of grounded theory (Charmaz 2006), this thesis is an attempt to respond to the lacuna in media research and add new insights to the limited understanding of how women in news practices are affected by racism. Based on data generated from interviews with eight women who signed the anti-racist manifesto, this research aims to conceptualize how female journalists with minority backgrounds experience racism at SR and how such experiences affect their working identity. Utilizing the anti-racist manifesto as a case study situates the results in a specific environment which was understood as post-racial throughout the research.  Considering the findings of this study, participants developed a journalistic working identity to counter negative stereotypes associated with their minority identity and based on their perceived position of power at SR. This case study demonstrates how the anti-racist manifesto heightened the interviewees’ post-racial understanding and that SR’s response to the manifesto can be interpreted as an expression of how post-racial societies manifest. The main takeaway from the findings is how the inability to admit the different ways racism continues to shape contemporary media will negatively affect both journalists and the media's ability to represent diverse perspectives objectively.

David Mamet's Race is overdetermined by the paratexts hovering around it, most notably the essays in which he publicizes his conservative turn. This textual environment accentuates the text's participation in a contemporary political discourse that social scientists have theorized as post-racialism. But Race accommodates more complex and conflicted meanings: I read the play not so much as an advertisement of post-race ideology but as a text that exposes and deconstructs this ideology. I argue that this layer of meaning is primarily an effect of the legal drama genre on which the text draws. The conventions of the legal drama that Race invokes activate meanings in the text that cannot be fully controlled by the backlash-agenda articulated in the author's essays. / "Der vorliegende Beitrag ist die pre-print Version. Bitte nutzen Sie für Zitate die Seitenzahl der Original-Version." (siehe Quellenangabe)

This research project was sparked by the observed patterns of participation in the schools choral eisteddfodau organised by the South African Schools Choral Eisteddfod (SASCE) and the Bosveld Kunstefees by schools in the Polokwane cluster of Circuits, Capricorn District of Limpopo Province - South Africa. The projected image of participation was that participation was divided along racial lines, whereby SASCE events were attended by blacks, found at township and rural schools, whereas former Model C schools attended the Bosveld Kunstefees eisteddfodau. The study intended to reveal whether the projected racial image was founded on racism itself, after 20 years the democratic dispensation, or whether other factors such as choral aptitude, preference of choral style, and/or cultural identity in a pluralistic society influenced such participation. Data were collected and qualitatively analysed by means of a structured questionnaire administered to school principals, choir masters/mistresses and secondary school choristers whose schools participated in either of the eisteddfodau between 2009 and 2011. Findings and recommendations are then offered for the research questions asked, following the analysis of collected data. / Dissertation (MMus)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / lk2014 / Music / MMus / Unrestricted

David Mamet's Race is overdetermined by the paratexts hovering around it, most notably the essays in which he publicizes his conservative turn. This textual environment accentuates the text's participation in a contemporary political discourse that social scientists have theorized as post-racialism. But Race accommodates more complex and conflicted meanings: I read the play not so much as an advertisement of post-race ideology but as a text that exposes and deconstructs this ideology. I argue that this layer of meaning is primarily an effect of the legal drama genre on which the text draws. The conventions of the legal drama that Race invokes activate meanings in the text that cannot be fully controlled by the backlash-agenda articulated in the author's essays. / "Der vorliegende Beitrag ist die pre-print Version. Bitte nutzen Sie für Zitate die Seitenzahl der Original-Version." (siehe Quellenangabe)

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Amid concerns of increased populist right-wing movements in Europe and the US, this dissertation research uncovers a core contradiction at the heart of modern nation-states: the ethnic underpinnings of the “civic nation.” In recent years, nativist and ultra-nationalist movements opposing immigration have gained popularity in Western democracies. These movements draw on “hard” boundaries such as race or religion to exclude “others” from the “nation.” However, sociological research on the nation has consistently found that most people in Western countries publicly oppose these ideas and embrace civic conceptions of the nation. At the same time, research on immigrants' experiences in these same countries suggests that “civic” conceptions of the nation may be much more exclusionary than what survey research has shown. To reconcile this tension in the nationalism and immigration integration literature, I label the mismatch between people’s stated preferences and their actual behaviors as “colorblind ethnocentrism.” By analyzing the extent to which nations are imagined to be racially restrictive by their inhabitants, my research offers a new understanding of national identity that has consequences for the integration of non-white groups into Western societies. Using both qualitative and quantitative methods, I analyze the way that the category of “nation” is socially constructed, and in what ways this social construction overlaps with the socially constructed category of “race,” particularly in countries where “race” does not exist as a state-sanctioned classificatory system (unlike the US). Finally, I use these theoretical insights to reframe a classic debate in political economy and show that natives' normative understandings about national belonging moderate the way that non-White populations are perceived as an outside group and a threat to economic redistribution. This dissertation combines novel methodology from political science with advanced statistical analysis as well as qualitative content analysis research to investigate (1) the role of ancestry, and race in defining the imagined community, (2) the ways that race and nation are empirically related, and (3) to what extent different ideas of the “nation” mediate the relationship between increased racial diversity and decreased support for redistribution. Building on previous work, in chapter 1, I consider the “nation” as a cognitive category used to create social distinctions between those who “belong” in the nation-state and those who do not. Using a pre-registered conjoint experiment fielded in representative samples across France, Germany, Spain, the United Kingdom and the United States, I challenge the long-standing assumption in the literature that the dominant conception of the “nation” in the West is based on inclusive and civic symbolic boundaries. I show that the most important characteristic across all country contexts for natives when making decisions about who is and is not a member of the nation is their ancestry: whether a given profile's parents and grandparents were all born in the country or not. I also find that people who answer in surveys that ancestry is important to be truly national in fact are espousing a racial and religious preference for White and Christian nationals. Then, I show how this colorblind ethnocentrism affects symbolic integration of non-white profiles with immigrant backgrounds. Finally, I find that racial preferences in who belongs in the nation are the most pronounced in continental Europe, where “race” is not an institutionalized categorization system (i.e. countrieswhere racial statistics and “race” is taboo). This provides some evidence in favor of my theory that countries that do not have an available discourse around race tend to use “nation” as a proxy for it. I further investigate the origins of this discrepancy in the next chapter. In chapter 2, I leverage a drastic change in curriculum in the mid-1990s in Spain that led to the sudden and (almost) complete removal of racial vocabulary from social-science textbooks to explore what happens to the construct of race once racial language has been removed. Through my analysis of 82 textbooks from 1975 to 2017, I find that a racial classification system was replaced by one based on cultural categories. Yet, far from moving away from essentialist beliefs about human nature, culture continues to reproduce the social hierarchies previously associated with phenotype. Because the books present culture as a scientifically valid classification system, the use of culture legitimizes and entrenches those same beliefs in racial differences, while creating a new double meaning for cultural categories (often “national cultures” or “nation”), i.e. its purported meaning and a short-hand for “race”. In chapter 3, I follow up on a question that emerged from my textbookstudy: to what degree do Europeans believe (or not) in biological racial differences? I find that people in Europe hold racist beliefs at similar rates to the United States. I also show that an under-studied source of variation across countries is the differences within a country between the proportion of people who believe in one racial belief but not another. In my final chapter, I investigate the consequences of this racialized “imagined community” for support for welfare in contexts of increased immigration. In this chapter, I shift the focus of attention from “immigrants” to “natives.” I argue that the well-documented reduction of native support for redistribution in the presence of immigrants is moderated by how strongly the natives imagine the “nation” as racially white. Using survey and census data from 30 European countries and 270 regions, I show that the negative association between the share of immigration and support for welfare is driven by those who imagine the nation in racial terms. Moreover, I show that ethnic nationalists’ support for welfare policies is only sensitive to non-European foreign-born immigration, not European foreign-born immigration. This suggests that racism, more than xenophobia, is the mechanism behind the withdrawal of solidarity. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of implications and directions for future research.