Thesis--PlanB (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Stout, 1999. / Description based on microform version. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--York University, 1998. Graduate Programme in Sociology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 385-404). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pNQ27327.

Thesis (M.S.), Eastern Illinois University, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 61-64).

The main argument of this thesis is that racism exists in the National Health Service and that it is experienced by black people as consumers and as employees of that service. The concept 'racism' has been widely used since the early '70s as describing prejudice allied to the power to perpetuate and institutionalise such prejudice, and there is now a growing awareness of the pervasiveness of racism within British society. But that awareness is not reflected in the kinds of reasons given to explain the experiences of Black people in the National Health Service in particular or within British society in general. The aim of this thesis is to evaluate to what extent such explanations conceal the racism experienced by black people in the National Health Service. Our work has revealed that at the consumer level the cultural framework has been extensively employed to explain conditions such as rickets, infant mortality and mental illness among racial minorities. Such explanations coming, as they do, from professional experts claiming to base their pronouncements on scientific objectivity carry considerable weight and thus support racism. They look back from the present to the historical development (or un- or under-development) of peoples and justify what has sedimented to 'common-sense' which all white Britons have about black people in general. We have argued in this thesis that the cultural issue serves as a decoy away from the central issue of black health provision, namely racism. This racism is again reflected very starkly in the response of the NationalHealth Service to sickle cell disease, a specific condition virtually exclusive to black people. Using Liverpool as an area of reflection we have argued that although social, political and economic factors disadvantage working class communities in both incidence of illness and access to health services, black people are even more disadvantaged because of racism. In the field of employment the traditional image of black nurses as 'immigrants' has persisted and is reflected in cultural explanations for their lack of advancement within the profession. We have argued that such nonadvancement as seen in difficulty of access to qualification and poor chances of promotion has a great deal to do with the fact of being black in a racist institution which does not see blacks as having roles in positions of authority and power. Racism here, however, operates through hidden mechanisms which are used to perpetuate discrimination. Our aim in the . section dealing with this area has been to analyse the ways in which such mechanisms work. Our research has revealed that racism at this level remains for the most part covert, operating through the institutional power conferred on persons In positions of authority. Decisions taken by such persons are not subject to open scrutiny, thus black nurses can be disadvantaged through institutional devices which conceal information

This thesis addresses the question of health inequalities in relation to visible ethnic minorities in the UK Chapter 1 provides an overview of the international literature on health inequalities and concludes that social disadvantage is consistently associated with some degree of health disadvantage. However, the extent of health inequalities alter depending on the indicator of health used, the measure of socio-economic circumstances, the stage of the life course addressed, and the gender of research subjects. Chapter 2 begins with a brief history of visible ethnic minorities within the UK. The conceptual difficulties of the concepts of race, ethnicity and racism are considered. Despite the diversity in socio-economic patterns all UK minority ethnic groups pay an economic 'ethnic penalty'. The experience of racial hostility and abuse is reported to be a regular occurrence by members of minority ethnic groups. Chapter 3 provides an overview of the studies of health of UK minority ethnic group members and considers three theoretical approaches to explaining health differences between minority and majority groups. These approaches emphasise different aspects of the experiences of migration and of racism as determinants of socio-economic circumstances and health for members of minority ethnic groups. Chapter 4 discusses some of the methodological difficulties inherent in any such analysis, and considers the benefits and constraints of using the Sample of Anonymised Records from the 1991 UK census as the basis for empirical exploration of these questions. The next three chapters (5,6, and 7) report the results of the analysis of reported long term limiting illness in young adult and mid-life men (Chapter 5), young adult and mid-life women (Chapter 6) and children under 16 (Chapter 7), taking into account migrant status and socio-economic circumstances. ii Chapter 8 concludes this study by discussing these findings in comparison with the predictions from the different models of the links between ethnicity and health. The results are reviewed in the light of previous research

Discourses surrounding U.S. immigration reform and border security are embedded with instances of the new racism (subtle and covert forms of racism in spoken and written language). One anti-immigrant organization in particular, the Minuteman Project, has gained widespread attention of the political establishment and mainstream press through its rapid expansion, physical involvement on the U.S.-Mexican border, and outspoken views on current U.S. immigration policy. There is a need to examine critically the discourse of growing citizen groups such as this one, who draw on web media resources to maintain and reproduce negative depictions of minority groups by masking and legitimating racist discourse.The data set consists of textual selections from the Minuteman Project website. Print text data includes the organization's mission statement and a context-specific article and email response related to immigration protests, as well as 'disclaimers' or statements of tolerance toward immigrants and elected officials that assist in the Minuteman Project's positive representation of self. A critical discourse analysis approach with an emphasis on metaphor is employed to determine how lexical, semantic, and syntactic choices are employed in creation of 'us' and 'them' participant roles. This analysis includes examination of visual images in proximity to print postings as well as images employed on Minuteman Project merchandise such as T-shirts and hats. The images are analyzed in relation to their contextual role in supporting or subverting the Minuteman Project's rhetorical strategies. The pervasive role of metaphor in this verbal and visual context is examined in relation to self and other representation, identity construction, and in-group membership.The analysis reveals contradictory and shifting self and other representations. Extensive use of patriotic and war tropes located in participant roles assist the Minuteman Project in masking underlying racist ideologies while overtly distancing itself from self-identified nationalist and white supremacist groups. Disclaimers, statements of tolerance, and metaphors assist the organization in successfully forging public connections with members of the political establishment. This study has implications for critical analysis of web-based texts, for multimodal analysis, and for the relation between circulatory web discourses and public policy in general.

This thesis research examines second generation Canadians’ negotiations of racism and citizenship with the aim of understanding how the former influences the latter. Through questionnaires and focus group discussion, I examine how they understand their racialized experiences and how they believe those experiences are different from, or related to, those of their parents. In addition, I conducted focus groups with an equivalent number of white Canadians in order to observe how the experiences of second generation Canadians of colour differ from those of their white counterparts. The findings of this thesis show that the negotiations of citizenship and racism of second generation Canadians of colour are not only varied, but multidimensional. Focus group discussions reveal that although they experience a variety of forms of racism, participants maintain a relatively positive outlook on Canadian society. This is likely the outcome of processes of identification and rationalization that distinguish them from both their parents and their white counterparts. That their experiences and perceptions of racism are prone to paradox only adds to the necessity for in-depth study and analysis. Although the influences of racism on feelings of belonging in Canada differ, the majority of second generation Canadians of colour report strong attachments to the country. / Thesis (Master, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2008-09-26 16:04:43.57

This is a study of the politics of identity in a working class setting in Galway on Ireland's west coast. It is based on twenty one months of fieldwork using ethnographic research techniques, and several years of library based research. Both of these aspects of research are integral to the analysis, which is centred around the argument that "racism‟ relies on discourse on "racism‟ for its ontological status (an issue which "anti-racism‟ must begin to engage with if it is to be more effective). Particularly since the 1950s when "racism‟ lost its scientific grounding, this study argues that academia has become just another player in this game of ideological construction (an issue which it must engage if it is to be more useful to "antiracism‟). Two equations sum up the contemporary dominant academic discourse on "racism‟: "racism = racialisation/ethnicisation + exclusion/denigration‟; and "racism = power (the power to exclude/denigrate) + prejudice (prejudice based on racialised/ethnicised identity)‟. According to these equations, the dominant discourse (made up of a complex combination of state and non-state discourse) on "ethnic‟ and "national‟ identity produced in Ballybane, Galway, and Ireland constructs three "racialised‟/"ethnicised‟ "communities‟ - the Traveller "community‟, the Immigrant "community‟ and the Settled Irish "community‟. Such identity construction involves "self-racialisation‟/"self-ethnicisation‟ as well as "racialisation‟/"ethnicisation‟ by the other. Indeed, Ireland is witnessing a growth in the field of "ethno-politics‟, where "community development‟ is now a political buzz word, state resources are often distributed according to "community‟ need and entitlement, and recognition of, and recourse for, "racist‟ victimhood via "anti-racism‟ often necessitates self-identity in "racialist‟/"ethnicist‟ terms. Once constructed in "racialist‟/"ethnicist‟ terms, the potential is, arguably, ever present for any of these "communities‟ to fall victim to "racism‟ as defined by dominant academic discourse on "racism‟. Indeed, in terms of such discourse the Traveller "community‟ and the Immigrant "community‟ in Ireland are victims of endemic popular and state "racism‟. A glitch appears in this picture, however, when one re-situates the evidence from academic discourse on "racism‟ to state discourse on "racism‟ (which essentially excludes any conceptualisation of "state racism‟) and popular discourse on "racism‟ (which, in line with traditional scientific "racist‟ doctrine sees "racism‟ as something white people intentionally do to black people). Therein is revealed the biggest problem facing "anti-racism‟ today – fighting a demon that eludes any clear understanding of its form let alone its causes.

No description available.

Relational/Cultural theory (aka Stone Center Theory; Jordan, Kaplan, Miller, Stiver, & Surrey, 1991) has suggested that mutuality is a bidirectional interpersonal process in which both parties hold empathic consideration for the other, value and encourage the differentness of the other, and have the ability and willingness to impact and be impacted by the other. Separately, attitudes of sexism, racism, and heterosexism have been defined as involving interpersonal attitudes and interaction that are distinctly defined by a lack of empathic consideration, the devaluing of difference and an unwillingness to be impacted. This seemingly inverse relationship leads to speculation about how the absence of mutuality may be an underlying requirement to the maintenance of sexism, racism, and heterosexism.Canonical correlation was used to identify the simple and compound relationships between two predictor variables (mutuality) and six criterion variables (social attitudes). The mutuality variables were assessed using the Mutual Psychological Development Questionnaire (Genero, Miller, & Surrey, 1992), and the attitude variables were assessed using the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996), the Pro-Black/Anti-Black scale (Katz & Hass, 1988), and the Attitudes Towards Lesbians and Gay Men scale (Herek, 1988). Participants were 310 White, heterosexual, women and men undergraduate students at a large midwestern university.A pattern of perceived mutuality in relationships was identified and was found to be related to a mixed pattern of prejudicial attitudes. The expression of perceived mutuality in two types of relationships formed a unipolar pattern. A bipolar pattern of attitudes was characterized by (a) less prejudice towards Blacks, (b) less sympathy towards the condition of Blacks, (c) less prejudice towards gay men, (d) greater sexism towards women, and (e) greater prejudice towards lesbians.Gender roles and values-based Ambivalent Racism Theory (Katz & Hass, 1988) were used to explain the results. The study upheld previous research findings that women express less prejudicial attitudes than do men, and that those who express negative attitudes toward one out-group tend to express negative attitudes towards multiple targets.The results indicate that there is sufficient evidence to retain the concept of a mutual relational orientation as a necessary but insufficient underlying dynamic across multiple forms of oppression.College of Architecture / Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services