Area of interest regarding this master thesis is the fight against terrorism at European Union level. The work then aims to analyze how effective the EU institutions in the fight against terrorism, Europol, Eurojust and the CTC, are. The first part focuses on the issue of terrorism itself, by the help of comparative analysis and data analysis the possible root causes of terrorism and issues regarding radicalization are discussed. The second part is devoted to the actual effectiveness of the main EU institutions in the fight against terrorism and consequently to the security threat associated with the issue of foreign fighters that became a priority agenda within the EU counterterrorism. These sections has also been prepared on the basis of empirical research since semi-standardized interviews with experts in this field were conducted. It was investigated, that the EU institutions in the fight against terrorism have several weaknesses, and there are several limits in their fight against terrorism. Conversely, in the context of foreign fighters the EU has managed to adopt several concrete and directed measures.

The aim of this thesis was to find out what role psychological and social factors play in the motivation of jihadist foreign fighters to leave for Syria. The sub-questions examine, on the one hand, how authors of the studies focused on motivation of foreign fighters work with the theoretical background and concepts related to the psychosocial sphere, their interpretation of the key concepts and motivation of foreign fighters and, on the other hand, what psychosocial motivation to leave for Syria prevails in existing studies. In order to answer these questions, I chose several theoretical models of radicalization that work mainly with the psychological and social dimension of the problem.Subsequently, I chose several main psychosocial categories and narratives to analyse the studies, with the possibility of new categories occurring. I was particularly interested in existential motivation such as search for meaning or the identity crisis, in the case of jihadists also connected with the ideology and the influence of social groups. Based on the analysis, I found out that the theoretical basis, the specific definitions of individual key concepts and the logic of the interpretation of the respondents' words in the majority of the studies are missing or not fully described. Without the proper definition...

The diploma thesis "Salafi Jihadism in Germany: Radicalizing Messages in Lectures of a German Jihadi Preacher Denis Cuspert" deals with the analysis of the internet video messages disseminated by Denis Cuspert - the most significant German-speaking Jihadi-Salafi leader, in terms of the radicalization potential that is spread through his lectures. The aim of the thesis is firstly to identify the basic radicalization formulas relevant for the given research, which are to be found in the models of radicalization. In the analytical part, these radicalization categories will be applied to the argumentation strategies present in the lectures of Denis Cuspert. In order to analyse the given messages, a qualitative content analysis along with a framework analysis will be used. In connection with aims of the thesis, the framework analysis appears to be a fitting method, as it focuses on the issue of communication in terms of its mobilization potential, with an emphasis on the strategic use of language. This method can therefore be a good indicator of the extent to which the statements succeed in addressing the sympathizers of the movement and making them act. In addition to the analysis of the radicalization messages, the thesis also deals with the character and dynamics of the German Salafi movement, with...

This thesis deals with the phenomenon of Central Asian foreign fighters in Syria, 2011- 2017. It analyzes their radicalization, recruitment, and travel patterns. Special emphasis is placed on tracking the home states' responses, including elements of de-radicalization and counter-radicalization. The thesis has found that there is arguably no single factor explaining the Central Asian fighters' radicalization; nor is there a typical profile of a Central Asian fighter. Available data suggest that radicalization and extremist recruitment most often occur in Russia. Furthermore, the analysis of travel patterns has shown that the majority of Central Asian fighters traveled to Syria either indirectly via multiple countries (again, most often Russia) or directly from their country of origin, and then crossed the border from Turkey. The thesis concludes that all five Central Asian states have adopted policies to address the perceived security threat of returning foreign fighters, whereas the hard, restrictive and punitive approach has been prevalent all across the region.

1 Abstract This diploma thesis' aim was to find out what are the security measures countering radicalization and extremism in Bosnia-Herzegovina and whether there is any room for improvement. Firstly, the thesis analysed several official documents related to the security of Bosnia-Herzegovina and the relevant reports of the international community, in order to review the concrete security measures and compared them with security measures, which are in effect in other European countries. This allowed the author to draw specific security recommendation for Bosnia-Herzegovina based on the best-practices from abroad. Secondly, this thesis provides the opinions of three experts on Bosnia-Herzegovina and its internal situation. The experts assessed the security situation in the country, identified the areas of security which shall be enhanced and proposed concrete measures, which could elevate the security situation in the country. This thesis's main assumption was that the security measures currently in effect are insufficient and that there is much room for improvement. The analysis of the documents showed that there are many specific security measures, in terms of fighting radicalisation of youth, online radicalisation or religious extremism, which are used abroad, that could be implemented to...

The main goal of this paper is to examine the perceptions related to Bosnia and Herzegovina as a country that fosters terrorism. The concepts of radicalization, extremism and terrorism are examined as separate entities in the context of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the confusion of these contexts is particularly harmful, prompting negative attitudes and conclusions. It includes a review of the origins of Jihad in Bosnia and Herzegovina during the 1992-1995 war and transformation into the Salafi Movement after it. Some theoretical concepts consider the popular perspective on the Salafi community, relations between the Salafi Community and the Islamic Community the responses of media who propagate both the valid and stereotypical information, the motivations that drive the Salafist community, but also the motives of Bosnia and Herzegovina's society for the exploitation of this community. Other focuses are the changes that take place after the September 11th terrorist attacks, and their effect on Bosnia and Herzegovina are discussed in the context of the fight against terrorism and the re-examination of the intentions of the Salafi communities. Finally, conclusions are drawn about the perception of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a terrorist threat. In addition, the relationship between the Salafi...

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Tea Party affects American politics since 2009 when she began under the name of former revolutionary movement to fight government interventions with massive demonstrations. There was often incorrect expectation concerning Tea Party's potential in the first years of her activity. Tea Party supporters cannot be easily characterized, since a very differentiated group of Americans identifies itself with the movement, they come from a broad scale of social groups from Religious Right to libertarians or radical populists, which makes Tea Party an easy subject of criticism. Such criticism is often related to accusations of racism and rigid approach to social issues, to which contributed also certain Tea Party candidates. Nationwide political radicalization, which Tea Party allegedly caused up to a great extent, cannot be confirmed, though, radicalization can be discerned rather within the ideologically differentiated Congress. Although the elections of 2010 and 2012 brought a group of Tea Party supporters into the Congress, it wasn't such a significant success, as many of her protagonists expected. Tea Party established the Tea Party Caucus as an organizational tool. The members of the Caucus ranked among the most active congressmen, the number of their achievements is questionable, though. Throughout the year...

La comparaison du discours de jeunes citoyens français et britanniques de confession musulmane issus de l’immigration postcoloniale et engagés au sein d’Etudiants musulmans de France et des Islamic Societies dans un contexte de lutte internationale contre le terrorisme et d’islamophobie a fait émerger un discours alternatif identique aux deux groupes. Celui-ci s’est inscrit dans le processus d’institutionnalisation de l’islam de l’entre-deux-guerres à la période contemporaine pour retracer l’évolution de la constitution des communautés musulmanes dans les deux pays et le processus de racialisation de l’identité islamique.En considérant les différences entre les systèmes étatiques français et britanniques, notamment les politiques d’immigration et d’intégration, cette thèse a cherché à démontrer les similitudes quant au traitement des populations issues des colonies françaises et britanniques, depuis la présence des soldats, étudiants et travailleurs immigrés de la Première Guerre mondiale au regroupement familial dans les années 1960-1970, à l’émergence sur la scène politique des générations suivantes dans les années 1980, à la criminalisation des jeunes de confession musulmane dans la lutte contre la radicalisation violente à partir de 2005. L’analogie entre les deux pays dans la gestion d’une population issue des colonies est particulièrement lisible dans le processus de gouvernance racialisé des jeunes de confession musulmane à l’ère sécuritaire et de l’islamophobie décomplexée. Les figures du jeune potentiel terroriste et de la fille voilée sont depuis le 11 septembre au cœur des débats sur l’identité nationale, les valeurs françaises et britanniques et l’égalité des sexes, tandis que les communautés musulmanes sont érigées en communautés suspectes. La focalisation dans ce travail sur l’expérience comparée et les subjectivités des étudiants enquêtés a tendu à démontrer comment leurs constructions identitaires, au croisement de la classe, de la race et du genre, brouillent les frontières établies des appartenances ethniques, sociales et culturelles pour faire place à des identifications et des représentations multiples transcendant les représentations établies. C’est à l’interstice de différents espaces (local, national, international) dans un monde globalisé qu’a émergé un discours alternatif au discours homogénéisant et essentialisant des identités musulmanes. / From the comparison of the discourse of young French and British citizens of Muslim faith from postcolonial immigration who are involved in Etudiants Musulmans de France and Islamic Societies in a context of international war against terrorism and islamophobia, has emerged an alternative discourse identical to two groups. Their discourse has been inscribed in the process of institutionalizing Islam from the mid-war to the contemporary period to trace the evolution of the constitution of Muslim communities in both countries and the process of racialization of Islamic identity.Considering the differences between French and British state systems, particularly immigration and integration policies, this thesis has sought to demonstrate similarities in the treatment of populations from French and British colonies, from the presence of soldiers, students and immigrant workers of the First World War to the settlement of immigrants from the 1960s-1970s, the emergence on the political scene of the following generations in the 1980s, and the criminalization of young Muslims in the war against violent radicalization from 2005. The analogy between the two countries in the management of postcolonial populations is particularly readable in the process of racialized governance of young people of Muslim faith in the era of security and uninhibited Islamophobia. The figures of the young potential terrorist and the veiled girl have been at the heart of the debates on national identity, French and British values and gender equality since September 11, while Muslim communities are erected into suspect communities.The focus in this work on the comparative experience and subjectivities of the students surveyed has tended to demonstrate how their identity constructions, at the intersection of class, race and gender, blur the established boundaries of ethnic, social and cultural belonging to give way to multiple identifications and representations that transcend established representations. It is at the interstice of different spaces (local, national, international) in a globalized world that an alternative discourse to the homogenizing and essentializing discourse of Muslim identities has emerged.

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