Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / Reissued 30 May 2017 with correction to degree on title page. / The thesis argues that the Maoist-led government in post-insurgency Nepal has failed to deliver on the promises of reform that brought it to power. The long-enduring social and economic grievances based on the Nepali Hindu social structure persist. Starting in 1996, the Maoists successfully capitalized on such grievances, and with the promise of radical reforms, led a decade-long successful insurgency. A political negotiation incorporating major Maoist demands ended the insurgency in 2006. The electoral victory right after the end of the insurgency provided the Maoists with the mandate and opportunity to reform traditional socio-economic and political structure. Unfortunately, the post-2006 period is seeing an emergence of political instability akin to the post-1991 era. This thesis examines the state of reforms in post-insurgency Nepal to identify the gaps between the promises made and the reforms implemented that are causing ongoing grievances. The thesis also highlights the importance of the coalition culture in producing political stability to eliminate persistent grievances and implement reforms for the future stability of Nepal. / Lieutenant Colonel, Nepalese Army

La pratique de simulations militaires ne cesse de croître en popularité au sein de la population civile québécoise, et nous en savons jusqu’à maintenant très peu sur ces activités marginales et sur le risque que peuvent poser de tels entraînements. En considérant divers processus d’apprentissage, nous nous intéressons aux simulations militaires pour mieux comprendre la façon dont ces apprentissages peuvent mener à la création d’un capital préjudiciable pouvant expliquer un passage à des actes de violence extrême. Nous proposons et appuyons empiriquement une approche sociocriminologique visant à mieux comprendre ce qu’on appelle la radicalisation violente, en avançant que tout comportement délinquant doit être appris, au même titre que n’importe quel autre comportement, ce qui suggère inévitablement qu’une certaine compétence est nécessaire pour exécuter un acte délinquant. Ainsi, nous posons la question de recherche suivante : comment pourrions-nous mieux comprendre le processus menant à la commission d’un acte de violence extrême en nous intéressant aux apprentissages découlant de simulations militaires et menant au développement d’un capital préjudiciable? En utilisant une méthodologie mixte comprenant des observations, des questionnaires et des entretiens, nous faisons ressortir que l’étude de la radicalisation dans une perspective uniquement idéologique est insuffisante pour dresser un portrait complet de ce phénomène complexe. Même si nos résultats démontrent que, dans les communautés que nous avons étudiées, de nombreux affects positifs amènent les participants à adopter des comportements prosociaux, nous établissons aussi qu’ils développent un capital préjudiciable. Ces affects positifs se présentent sous différentes formes de contrôle social informel issues des normes sociales dominantes, de la pluralité des acteurs et des personnalités influentes du milieu. Quant au capital préjudiciable, il provient premièrement d’apprentissages de techniques de combat avancées pouvant faciliter la commission d’actes de violence extrême. Les participants apprennent notamment le maniement tactique d’armes à feu et d’autres engins explosifs improvisés. De plus, nous soutenons que ces activités peuvent avoir un impact sur leur jugement moral, puisqu’elles présentent plusieurs formes de banalisations pour des pratiques liées à la commission d’un acte violent. Parmi celles-ci, nous soulignons que l’activité consiste à pointer et tirer quelqu’un avec une arme de manière répétitive, alors que les participants rationalisent ces actions en utilisant un vocabulaire qui ne décrit pas concrètement les gestes violents qu’ils commettent. / Civilian military simulations are gaining more and more popularity within the Province of Quebec, and we know very little about what constitutes this marginal activity and the risk that can account from this type of training. Considering different learning processes, we suggest to look at military simulations to see how the learning of detrimental capital can explain how an individual or a group are achieving acts of extreme violence. We propose and empirically support a socio-criminological approach for a better understanding of extreme violence radicalization, and we think that delinquent behavior must be learned, as any other behavior, which inevitably suggests some competency to achieve it. Thus, we ask the following research question: through exploring the acquisition of detrimental capital in civilian military simulations, how can we better understand the process leading to the commission of an act of extreme violence? Using a mixed method of ethnographic observations, surveys and interviews, we highlight how the study of the processes of radicalization in a single ideological perspective is insufficient for having a complete picture of the phenomenon. Even if we are demonstrating that within the observed communities, lots of positive affect are influencing participants toward unfavorable definitions for delinquent behaviors, we are also showing that they acquire detrimental capital. These positive affects come in different forms of informal social control from dominant social norms, plurality of actors and internal influential personalities. Regarding detrimental capital, it originates from the learning of advanced combat techniques that are often used for the commission of extreme violence. Among them, participants learn particular tactical handling of firearms and other improvised explosive devices. In addition, we figure that these activities may have an impact on their moral judgment, since they offer several forms of banalization of practices related to the commission of such acts. Of these, we emphasize that the activity consists in aiming and shooting at someone repeatedly with a gun, whereas participants rationalize these actions using terms that do not directly describe their violent actions.

Abstract - Islamist radicalization – A study of particular exposed areas  Islamist radicalization has emerged in Sweden over the past decade, mainly because of the terrorist attacks in Stockholm in 2010 and 2017, but also because of a strife of individuals who have been radicalized in Sweden and joined various terror networks around the world.  It is only in recent years that Swedish authorities have seriously addressed the problems that radicalization entails. Sweden has since then developed a national strategy with the aim of preventing and counteracting increasing radicalization, especially in vulnerable suburban areas. The authorities concerned have subsequently published a number of different writs with the aim of preventing and counteracting Islamist radicalization in exclusion areas. Since the phenomenon may be considered relatively new from a Swedish perspective, research in the area is limited. It is above all the Swedish National Defense College with its Center for Asymmetric Threats and Terrorism Studies that has driven Swedish research in the field.  This study aims to investigate the radicalization that takes place in particularly exposed areas with a focus on structural factors and their impact, which contributes to the need that Swedish authorities and expertise in the field demanded.  By conducting a qualitative analysis of previous theories in the field of Islamist radicalization, an analysis tool has been designed to indicate whether a specific area is at risk of suffering from islamist radicalization. This analysis tool consists of four structural factors and two criteria. The analysis tool has subsequently been applied through a multiple-case study on four districts in Stockholm, Gothenburg and Malmö.  The result of the multiple-case study confirms the importance of the structural factors for individuals in these areas to be more susceptible to the influence of radical elements. In this investigation, these elements are the criteria’s stated in the analysis tool.  The analysis tool designed can probably be further developed by adding qualitative research methods to capture individual factors, which also affect the conditions for radicalization in an area. / Sammanfattning – Islamistisk radikalisering – En studie av särskilt utsatta områden  Islamistisk radikalisering har aktualiserats i Sverige under det senaste decenniet, framförallt på grund av terrordåden i Stockholm 2010 och 2017, men också på grund av en strid ström av individer som radikaliserats i Sverige och anslutit sig till olika terrornätverk världen över.  Det är först under de senaste åren som svenska myndigheter på allvar adresserat den problematik som radikaliseringen innebär. Sverige har sedan dess utvecklat en nationell strategi i syfte att förebygga och motverka en ökande radikalisering, framförallt i utsatta förortsområden. Berörda myndigheter har därefter utkommit med en rad olika skrivelser med målsättning att förebygga och motverka islamistisk radikalisering i utanförskapsområden. Då fenomenet får anses vara relativt nytt ur ett svenskt perspektiv är forskningen på området begränsad. Det är framförallt Försvarshögskolan med sitt Centrum för asymmetriska hot och terrorismstudier som drivit den svenska forskningen på området.  Denna studie syftar till att undersöka den radikalisering som sker i särskilt utsatta områden med fokus på strukturella faktorer och deras inverkan, vilket bidrar till det behov som svenska myndigheter och expertis på området efterfrågat.  Genom att genomföra en kvalitativ analys av tidigare teorier på området islamistisk radikalisering, har ett analysverktyg utformats för att indikera huruvida ett specifikt område löper risk att drabbas av islamistisk radikalisering. Detta analysverktyg består av fyra strukturella faktorer och två kriterier. Analysverktyget har därefter tillämpats genom en flerfallstudie på fyra stadsdelar i Stockholm, Göteborg och Malmö.  Resultatet av flerfallstudien bekräftar de strukturella faktorernas betydelse för att individer i dessa områden skall vara mer mottagliga för påverkan av radikala element. Dessa element utgörs i undersökningen av de kriterier som anges i analysverktyget.  Det analysverktyg som utformats kan sannolikt utvecklas ytterligare genom att addera kvalitativa undersökningsmetoder för att fånga individuella faktorer, som också påverkar förutsättningarna till radikalisering i ett område.

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O período compreendido entre a renúncia de Jânio Quadros à presidência da República, a eclosão do Movimento da Legalidade em 1961, passando pelo golpe civil-militar de março/abril de 1964 foi marcado por acirrados conflitos entre diferentes grupos sociais no cenário político e social brasileiro. O Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) atuou nesse contexto, principalmente na defesa das Reformas de Base e do nacionalismo, fomentando movimentos sociais reformistas que interpelavam ou eram promovidos por camponeses, sindicatos, estudantes e subalternos militares. No Rio Grande do Sul, sob a liderança de Leonel Brizola, grande parte dessas organizações aglutinou uma série de projetos e ideias e passaram a defendê-las de forma cada vez mais radicalizada, confrontando-se na arena política com as oposições conservadoras. A partir desse contexto, o presente trabalho visa analisar as recepções e reações dessa crise política junto às lideranças político-partidárias no município de Canoas, na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre. Canoas era, naquele momento, uma cidade com significativo contingente de operários entre seus moradores, público-alvo do PTB. A radicalização aqui será entendida como uma forma de luta política. Pretende-se entender como a radicalização foi recebida, apropriada e utilizada pelos setores políticos daquela localidade. A metodologia aqui utilizada é a leitura e análise qualitativa da documentação legislativa da Câmara Municipal de Canoas entre 1961 e 1964. Além da fonte legislativa, serão igualmente empregadas na pesquisa as atas do Diretório Municipal do PTB em Canoas, entre 1962 e 1964; periódicos da época de Canoas, Porto Alegre e Rio de janeiro; publicações que trazem informações, relatos e notícias relacionadas à cidade naquele período histórico e entrevistas realizadas com testemunhos da época. Ainda, será usada a prosopografia como método de análise da elite política local, a partir das fontes já citadas. / The period between the renounce of Jânio Quadros to the presidency of the Republic, the outbreak of the Legality Movement in 1961, followed by the civil-military coup,which occurred in March / April 1964 was marked by fierce conflicts among different social groups in the Brazilian political and social scenario. The Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) acted in this context, primarily in defense of the Basis Reform and the Nationalism, encouraging social reform movements that were erupted or promoted by peasants, trade unions, students and military subordinates. In Rio Grande do Sul, under the leadership of Leonel Brizola, a large part of these organizations agglutinated a series of projects and ideas and began to defend them in an increasingly radicalized way, confronting themselves in the political arena with conservative oppositions. From this context, the present work intent to analyze the receptions and reactions of this political crisis together with political-party leaderships in the municipality of Canoas, in the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre. Canoas was, at that moment, a city with a significant contingent of workers amid its residents, the PTB's target public. The radicalization here will be understood as a form of political struggle. The propose is to understand how radicalization was received, appropriated and used by the political sectors of that locality. The methodology used here is the reading and qualitative analysis of the legislative documentation from the Municipal Council of Canoas between 1961 and 1964. Additionally to the legislative source, the minutes of the Municipal Directory of PTB in Canoas between 1962 and 1964, will equally be inserted in the research; Newspapers from Canoas, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; Publications that bring information, reports and news related to the city in that historical period and interviews conducted with testimonies of the time. Still, prosopography will be used as a method of analysis of the local political elite, from the sources already mentioned.

Durant ces dernières années, le terme terrorisme djihadiste est devenu un vocable des plus récurrents au niveau international. Il est fortement présent dans le discours académique, ce particulièrement depuis l'apparition de ce qu'on appelle l'organisation de l'État islamique (Daesh) et également des attaques terroristes qui se sont succédé. Notre étude aborde, en première partie, les approches qui traitent du terrorisme ainsi que les facteurs qui ont été à l’origine de la propagation de ce phénomène et de l'extrémisme. La seconde partie est consacrée à l’analyse des discours académiques ayant traité des attentats terroristes en France en 2015/2016. Notre thèse tend à mettre en avant une approche analytique opérationnelle à travers l'utilisation de méthodes quantitatives. Nous nous proposons ainsi de prolonger la recherche actuelle en abordant plusieurs innovations méthodologiques relatives à l’analyse du discours universitaire sur le djihad afin d’en déterminer les similitudes et les différences, selon une approche multidisciplinaire et par une enquête analytique dans l’objectif d’en caractériser les relations et d’en expliquer la conjoncture. Il sera alors question de se demander s’il s’agit d’éléments spécifiques ou de la combinaison d’un ensemble d’éléments, présents dans une structure particulière, qui marginalisent ou criminalisent certains types de discours classés dans la catégorie du discours universitaire sur le djihad / In recent years, the term jihadist terrorism has become a term of recurrent at the international level. He is present in the academic discourse, this particularly since the appearance of what is called the Organization of the Islamic state (Daech) and the successive terrorist attacks. Our study first addresses the approaches that deal with terrorism as well as the factors that have led to the spread of this phenomenon and extremism. The second part is dedicated to the analysis of academic discourses dealing with terrorist attacks in France in 2015/2016. Our thesis tends to put forward an operational analytical approach through the use of quantitative methods. We propose to extend the current research by addressing several methodological innovations related to the analysis of the academic jihad discourse in order to determine the similarities and differences, using a multidisciplinary approach and an analytical survey with the aim of characterize the relationships and explain the situation. It will therefore be a question of whether they are specific elements or the combination of a set of elements in a particular structure that marginalizes or criminalizes certain types of discourse classed as academic discourse about jihad

O período compreendido entre a renúncia de Jânio Quadros à presidência da República, a eclosão do Movimento da Legalidade em 1961, passando pelo golpe civil-militar de março/abril de 1964 foi marcado por acirrados conflitos entre diferentes grupos sociais no cenário político e social brasileiro. O Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) atuou nesse contexto, principalmente na defesa das Reformas de Base e do nacionalismo, fomentando movimentos sociais reformistas que interpelavam ou eram promovidos por camponeses, sindicatos, estudantes e subalternos militares. No Rio Grande do Sul, sob a liderança de Leonel Brizola, grande parte dessas organizações aglutinou uma série de projetos e ideias e passaram a defendê-las de forma cada vez mais radicalizada, confrontando-se na arena política com as oposições conservadoras. A partir desse contexto, o presente trabalho visa analisar as recepções e reações dessa crise política junto às lideranças político-partidárias no município de Canoas, na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre. Canoas era, naquele momento, uma cidade com significativo contingente de operários entre seus moradores, público-alvo do PTB. A radicalização aqui será entendida como uma forma de luta política. Pretende-se entender como a radicalização foi recebida, apropriada e utilizada pelos setores políticos daquela localidade. A metodologia aqui utilizada é a leitura e análise qualitativa da documentação legislativa da Câmara Municipal de Canoas entre 1961 e 1964. Além da fonte legislativa, serão igualmente empregadas na pesquisa as atas do Diretório Municipal do PTB em Canoas, entre 1962 e 1964; periódicos da época de Canoas, Porto Alegre e Rio de janeiro; publicações que trazem informações, relatos e notícias relacionadas à cidade naquele período histórico e entrevistas realizadas com testemunhos da época. Ainda, será usada a prosopografia como método de análise da elite política local, a partir das fontes já citadas. / The period between the renounce of Jânio Quadros to the presidency of the Republic, the outbreak of the Legality Movement in 1961, followed by the civil-military coup,which occurred in March / April 1964 was marked by fierce conflicts among different social groups in the Brazilian political and social scenario. The Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) acted in this context, primarily in defense of the Basis Reform and the Nationalism, encouraging social reform movements that were erupted or promoted by peasants, trade unions, students and military subordinates. In Rio Grande do Sul, under the leadership of Leonel Brizola, a large part of these organizations agglutinated a series of projects and ideas and began to defend them in an increasingly radicalized way, confronting themselves in the political arena with conservative oppositions. From this context, the present work intent to analyze the receptions and reactions of this political crisis together with political-party leaderships in the municipality of Canoas, in the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre. Canoas was, at that moment, a city with a significant contingent of workers amid its residents, the PTB's target public. The radicalization here will be understood as a form of political struggle. The propose is to understand how radicalization was received, appropriated and used by the political sectors of that locality. The methodology used here is the reading and qualitative analysis of the legislative documentation from the Municipal Council of Canoas between 1961 and 1964. Additionally to the legislative source, the minutes of the Municipal Directory of PTB in Canoas between 1962 and 1964, will equally be inserted in the research; Newspapers from Canoas, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; Publications that bring information, reports and news related to the city in that historical period and interviews conducted with testimonies of the time. Still, prosopography will be used as a method of analysis of the local political elite, from the sources already mentioned.

O período compreendido entre a renúncia de Jânio Quadros à presidência da República, a eclosão do Movimento da Legalidade em 1961, passando pelo golpe civil-militar de março/abril de 1964 foi marcado por acirrados conflitos entre diferentes grupos sociais no cenário político e social brasileiro. O Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (PTB) atuou nesse contexto, principalmente na defesa das Reformas de Base e do nacionalismo, fomentando movimentos sociais reformistas que interpelavam ou eram promovidos por camponeses, sindicatos, estudantes e subalternos militares. No Rio Grande do Sul, sob a liderança de Leonel Brizola, grande parte dessas organizações aglutinou uma série de projetos e ideias e passaram a defendê-las de forma cada vez mais radicalizada, confrontando-se na arena política com as oposições conservadoras. A partir desse contexto, o presente trabalho visa analisar as recepções e reações dessa crise política junto às lideranças político-partidárias no município de Canoas, na Região Metropolitana de Porto Alegre. Canoas era, naquele momento, uma cidade com significativo contingente de operários entre seus moradores, público-alvo do PTB. A radicalização aqui será entendida como uma forma de luta política. Pretende-se entender como a radicalização foi recebida, apropriada e utilizada pelos setores políticos daquela localidade. A metodologia aqui utilizada é a leitura e análise qualitativa da documentação legislativa da Câmara Municipal de Canoas entre 1961 e 1964. Além da fonte legislativa, serão igualmente empregadas na pesquisa as atas do Diretório Municipal do PTB em Canoas, entre 1962 e 1964; periódicos da época de Canoas, Porto Alegre e Rio de janeiro; publicações que trazem informações, relatos e notícias relacionadas à cidade naquele período histórico e entrevistas realizadas com testemunhos da época. Ainda, será usada a prosopografia como método de análise da elite política local, a partir das fontes já citadas. / The period between the renounce of Jânio Quadros to the presidency of the Republic, the outbreak of the Legality Movement in 1961, followed by the civil-military coup,which occurred in March / April 1964 was marked by fierce conflicts among different social groups in the Brazilian political and social scenario. The Brazilian Labor Party (PTB) acted in this context, primarily in defense of the Basis Reform and the Nationalism, encouraging social reform movements that were erupted or promoted by peasants, trade unions, students and military subordinates. In Rio Grande do Sul, under the leadership of Leonel Brizola, a large part of these organizations agglutinated a series of projects and ideas and began to defend them in an increasingly radicalized way, confronting themselves in the political arena with conservative oppositions. From this context, the present work intent to analyze the receptions and reactions of this political crisis together with political-party leaderships in the municipality of Canoas, in the Metropolitan Region of Porto Alegre. Canoas was, at that moment, a city with a significant contingent of workers amid its residents, the PTB's target public. The radicalization here will be understood as a form of political struggle. The propose is to understand how radicalization was received, appropriated and used by the political sectors of that locality. The methodology used here is the reading and qualitative analysis of the legislative documentation from the Municipal Council of Canoas between 1961 and 1964. Additionally to the legislative source, the minutes of the Municipal Directory of PTB in Canoas between 1962 and 1964, will equally be inserted in the research; Newspapers from Canoas, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; Publications that bring information, reports and news related to the city in that historical period and interviews conducted with testimonies of the time. Still, prosopography will be used as a method of analysis of the local political elite, from the sources already mentioned.

Al Qaeda s’est fait connaître grâce à quelques attentats pionniers symboliques dont le plus spectaculaire a eu lieu le 11 septembre 2001. L’étude du profil complexe d’Al Qaeda, avec ses racines profondes ancrées dans l’histoire, la politique et la société du monde islamique, puis de son évolution, permet de comprendre que la véritable menace ne vient pas d’un seul homme ni même d’un groupe, mais d’une idéologie plus large dédiée au djihad défensif, l’Al Qaedisme. Cette idéologie construite sur des piliers solides et cohérents, prône une guerre sainte planétaire contre l’Occident. Des réseaux fondamentalistes ad hoc et des groupes terroristes locaux se sont greffés autour des objectifs et stratégies d’un Al Qaedisme codifié commun diffusé dans le cyberespace et ont amplifié la menace en touchant toutes les sphères de la communauté internationale. L’approche politique conservatrice dominante a tenté de mettre un frein aux attentats en instituant toute une série de mesures exceptionnelles plus répressives les unes que les autres. Pourtant, le phénomène croissant de radicalisation et la multiplication des attentats terroristes depuis 2001, démontrent que les modèles occidentaux appliqués par des Occidentaux à des sociétés établies sur d’autres fondamentaux n’ont pas permis de trouver de solution durable contre l’Al Qaedisme et même aggravé la menace. Des réponses adaptées à la véritable menace renforcées par le respect des droits de l’homme, sont à mettre en œuvre au travers de nouvelles stratégies multidisciplinaires et synchronisées de déradicalisation qui passent par la guerre des idées pour dépolariser les relations entre les musulmans et non-musulmans. L’adoption de mesures préventives, proactives et réactives qui trouvent un équilibre entre les besoins de la lutte contre le terrorisme et les valeurs démocratiques fondamentales devra en tout premier lieu viser à gagner les cœurs et les esprits de toutes les parties et à former une alliance des civilisations. / Al Qaeda has become renowned thanks to a few symbolic pioneering terrorist attacks among which the most spectacular ones took place on 11 September 2001. The study of Al Qaeda’s complex profile with deep roots in history, politics and the society of the Islamic world, and of its evolution, helps to understand that the real menace comes not from one man, nor from a group, but from an overarching ideology dedicated to a defensive jihad, Al Qaedism. This radical ideology, built upon strong and coherent pillars, preaches a holy global war against the West. Radical fundamentalist ad hoc networks and local terrorist groups have amalgamated around the objectives and strategies of a common, codified Al Qaedism disseminated in cyberspace and have magnified the menace by reaching all the spheres of the international community. The dominating conservative political approach attempted in vain to prevent further terrorist attacks by putting in place a series of exceptional measures more repressive one than another. However, the growing radicalization and the unprecedented multiplication of terrorist attacks since 2001 demonstrate that the western models applied as such by Westerners to societies established on other fundamentals have not allowed to find a longstanding solution against Al Qaedism and rather increased the menace. Responses adjusted to the real menace, reinforced by the respect to human rights, have to be introduced by new multidisciplinary and synchronized strategies of deradicalization that take into account the war on ideas in order to depolarize the relations between Muslims and non-Muslims in the world. The adoption of preventive, proactive and reactive measures that find a balance between the needs of the fight against terrorism and the fundamental democratic values will have to aim first at gaining the hearts and minds of all the parties involved and to foster an alliance of civilizations.

Les communautés sont des acteurs de premier plan dans les efforts de prévention de la radicalisation. En effet, la famille et les amis sont parmi les premiers à pouvoir observer certains comportements laissant présager l’adhésion à une forme d’extrémisme violent. Néanmoins, nous n’en savons encore que très peu quant au point de vue des communautés relativement au fait de contacter une ressource formelle ou informelle pour un cas de radicalisation. Cette étude s’intéresse alors à mieux comprendre les enjeux qui influencent la volonté de contacter le Centre de prévention de la radicalisation menant à la violence (CPRMV), un organisme indépendant de la police, pour un proche dans une situation de radicalisation. Pour ce faire, nous avons réalisé des entretiens et des focus group menés auprès de 29 individus habitant le Grand Montréal et s’identifiant soit en tant que Québécois, Juif, Musulman, Latino-Américain ou Africain. Les résultats suggèrent la présence d’une multitude d’enjeux à la prise de contact avec une ressource ; certains ayant été identifiés par la majorité des participants, alors que d’autres semblent être plutôt propres à une communauté particulière. Parmi les résultats partagés par l’ensemble des répondants, il a été possible d’observer que la méconnaissance des ressources disponibles et la crainte des répercussions apparaissent comme des enjeux centraux. De plus, les résultats suggèrent que les participants entrevoient la radicalisation comme un phénomène essentiellement lié à l’islam, ce qui pourrait être expliqué par l’influence des représentations véhiculées par les médias, et qui pourrait conséquemment avoir une incidence sur la manière de comprendre et d’identifier un cas de radicalisation. Enfin, la zone grise que représentent les comportements associés à la radicalisation semble poser problème dans l’évaluation de la gravité de la situation et ultimement la décision de faire appel à une ressource d’aide, telle que le CPRMV, ou à la police. / Communities are key players in efforts to prevent radicalization. In fact, family members and friends are among the first to observe changes or early signs suggesting that someone might be heading toward a form of violent extremism. Yet, we still know very little about communitybased views on reaching out to a formal or informal resource regarding a possible case of radicalization. This study seeks to better understand the issues that influence the willingness to contact the Center for the Prevention of Radicalization leading to Violence (CPRLV), a Montreal-based independent organization. For this purpose, we conducted interviews and focus groups with 29 individuals living in Greater Montreal, who self-identify as Quebecers or as Jewish, Muslim, Latin American or African. The results suggest the presence of a multitude of issues inhibiting reaching out to a specific resource; while some have been identified by most participants, others seem to be rather specific to a community. Among the results shared by all respondents, it has been observed that the lack of knowledge of available resources and the fear of repercussions appear to be central issues. Moreover, the results suggest that the participants perceive radicalization as a phenomenon essentially linked to Islam, which could be explained by the influence of media representation of the issue and could consequently have an impact on their way of understanding and identifying a radicalization-prone case. Finally, the gray area surrounding the behaviors associated with radicalization appears to be a problem in assessing the severity of the situation and ultimately the decision to reach out to an aid resource, such as the CPRLV, or the police.