The Ceramics of Tiwanaku: What does the Variability Mean?Increasingly researchers observe a wide range of variability in Tiwanaku ceramics, not only in distant regions but also within the Tiwanaku heartland of the south Titicaca Basin. This variation makes it difficult to apply the three phase or five phase chronologies developed earlier this century, as is evidenced by the wide variety of adaptations made to accommodate new data into the old periodizations. What emerges from this newly described variability is a timeline for Tiwanaku that is both shorter and more complex than previously thought. This contradicts models of Tiwanaku as a monolithic, highly centralized state with few definable periods of distinct ceramic production or decorative style. / Cada vez más investigadores notan una amplia gama de variabilidad en la cerámica de Tiwanaku, no solo en las regiones a mucha distancia, sino también en la región central de Tiwanaku, al sur de la cuenca del lago Titicaca. Esta situación hace difícil aplicar las cronologías de tres y cinco fases desarrolladas a comienzos de este siglo, como lo evidencia la gran variedad de modificaciones hechas en ellas para poder acomodar los nuevos datos. Lo que emerge de esta nueva información es que el desarrollo temporal de la entidad política Tiwanaku es, simultáneamente, más corto y complejo de lo que se pensaba anteriormente. Esto contradice los modelos de Tiwanaku como un estado monolítico altamente centralizado, con algunos pocos periodos definibles de producción cerámica o estilo decorativo.

Tiwanaku in Moquegua: Regional Interactions and CollapseThe synthesis of data from excavations and systematic survey of the Osmore drainage promotes a new vision of the relationships between Wari, Tiwanaku, and indigenous people of the region during the Middle Horizon and the beginning of the Late Intermediate Period. A series of facts are effectively established that must be considered in future interpretations. Among others, we note the apparent contemporaneity of Tiwanaku and Wari settlements in the middle and upper sections of the Osmore drainage, generally isolated in their own geographic zones. There are no signs of military conflict or fear of it during perhaps centuries of contact, even though both groups considered the site of Cerro Baúl to be a huaca that only the Wari controlled. Nor was there exchange of goods, suggesting social as well as spatial isolation. We describe the contemporaneity of two Tiwanaku traditions, marked by the Omo and Chen Chen ceramic styles, which were previously considered sequential phases. Finally, we confirm that at the end of the Middle Horizon. Wari abandoned the region, leaving people of the Tiwanaku tradition to divide into local groups and flee to distant, defensible sites at the beginning of the troubled times of the Late Intermediate Period. / La síntesis de datos de excavaciones y reconocimientos sistemáticos de la cuenca del río Osmore permite una visión nueva de las relaciones entre los wari, tiwanaku y poblaciones indígenas de la región durante el Horizonte Medio y el comienzo del Periodo Intermedio Tardío. Una serie de hechos están efectivamente establecidos, los cuales tendrán que ser considerados en futuras interpretaciones. Entre otros, se nota la aparente contemporaneidad de asentamientos tiwanaku y wari en las partes medias y altas de la cuenca del Osmore, pero mayormente aisladas en zonas geográficas separadas. No hay indicios de conflicto bélico ni temor de tal durante, posiblemente, siglos de contacto, a pesar de que ambos grupos vieron al mismo sitio Cerro Baúl como una huaca, la que únicamente los wari controlaron. Tampoco había intercambio de bienes, sugiriendo un aislamiento social al igual que espacial. Se describe la contemporaneidad de dos tradiciones tiwanaku marcadas por los estilos ceramográficos Omo y Chen Chen, que antes se consideraban fases secuenciales. Finalmente, se confirma que, al fin del Horizonte Medio, la gente wari abandonó la región, mientras que los de la tradición Tiwanaku se dispersaron en grupos menores desplazándose a sitios alejados y defendibles al comienzo de los tiempos conflictivos del Periodo Intermedio Tardío.

The assumption that prehistoric Native American land use practices had little impact on the North American landscape persists in the literature. However, recent research suggests the effects of prehistoric burning, deforestation and agriculture may potentially have been greater than previously considered. To resolve this discrepancy, quantitative estimates of changes in human population size and forest structure and composition over the course of the Holocene are needed. This thesis addresses this need by providing radiocarbon-based paleodemographic reconstructions and pollen-inferred estimates of vegetation change, as well as analyses of associations between the two at both continental and regional scales, from the late Pleistocene to the Anthropocene. One way to estimate paleodemographic change is to use the number of radiocarbon (14C) dates from a given area to study patterns of human occupation through time. A review of the literature and compilation of existing databases relevant to this method showed there is now sufficient data to study the paleodemographic history of many regions around the world. An analysis of 14C datasets from North America and Australia compared well with model-based reconstructions of past demographic growth, and provided higher frequency fluctuations in population densities that will be important for future research. Using a kernel density estimation approach, the first estimates of prehistoric population density for North America were obtained and synthesized into a series of continental-scale maps showing the distribution and frequency of 14C dates in the Canadian Archaeological Radiocarbon Database (CARD). The maps illustrated the space-time evolution of population and migration patterns, which were corroborated by independent sources of evidence. A methodology based on the statistical evaluation of cross-correlations between population and plant abundance was then developed to analyze the associations between these population estimates and plant communities derived from pollen databases. Periods of high spatial cross-correlation (positive and negative) between population and plant abundance were irregular and did not improve over time, suggesting that ancient human impacts are not discernable at a continental scale, either due to low populations or varying human land use practices. To further examine the relationship between pollen data and human land use at a regional scale, estimates of plant density and landscape openness are needed. The REVEALS (Regional Estimates of VEgetation Abundance from Large Sites) model corrects for the non-linear relationship between pollen production and plant abundance and can therefore be used to map histories of land use and land cover change. The model was applied to pollen records from lake sediments in the deciduous forest of southeastern Quebec. A preliminary analysis comparing these results to population density revealed low population during times of high Populus abundance and high population following the appearance of the mixed temperate forest suggesting a discernable human-environment association at regional scales. Overall, the results of thesis support the growing body of literature that suggests prehistoric Native Americans impacted their environments and that these impacts can be detected and quantified by integrating archaeological and paleoecological information. However, the timing, location, and intensity of human land use has changed in both space and time, suggesting regional- to local-scale analyses of human-environment interactions are most appropriate for continental North America. The methodology presented here can be used to study additional North American regions for the purpose of developing a continental history of human-environment interaction.

The Preceramic Period in the Punas of Junín from the Point of View of Panaulauca SiteThe Panaulauca preceramic site of the Peruvian central highland region known as the Puna de Junin is a key location for understanding early Andean hunting adaptations and the eventual transition to herding. Our excavations in the cave mouth area and on the talus slope of this site have revealed a substantial occupation beginning well before 7000 B.C., and lasting until historical times. We have recovered extensive stone tool, faunal, and botanical data that we use here to define the major economic and social transitions that occurred during and after the Preceramic Period. Early Preceramic phases of occupation show a growing exploitation of camelids, principally the vicuña, while settlement patterns suggest a certain amount of mobility with a wet season emphasis in Panaulauca. By Middle and Late Preceramic times, however, the site is occupied year round in a pattern of increasing sedentism. A major reliance on herding is not seen until Formative times, but by this point Panaulauca is no longer a major center of occupation, and cannot be considered a reasonable sample of these later cultural patterns. / EI sitio precerámico de Panaulauca, ubicado en la puna de Junín en la Sierra Central del Perú, es un sitio de mucha importancia para entender la adaptación de cazadores de altura y su eventual transición al pastoreo. Nuestras excavaciones en la boca de la cueva de Panaulauca y en su talud, han demostrado una larga ocupación, comenzando significativamente antes de 7000 A.N.E., y siguiendo quizás hasta tiempos históricos. Se recuperaron datos muy extensos de la industria lítica y restos de fauna y flora que se usaron para definir los cambios económicos y sociales a través de tiempo. Las fases del Precerámico Temprano tienen evidencia de camélidos con un patrón de uso que crece a través del tiempo, especialmente la vicuña, dentro de un patrón de asentamiento que en principio muestra evidencia de cierta movilidad estacional que enfatiza la época de lluvias para Panaulauca. En contraste, llegando al Precerámico Medio y Tardío se reconocen una ocupación del sitio a través de todo el año y un creciente sedentarismo. La evidencia para una vida principalmente basada en el pastoreo en Panaulauca no viene sino hasta el Formativo, aunque siempre se tiene que tener en cuenta que tales cuevas no fueron los centros de ocupación en tiempos post-precerámicos.

Tiwanaku in Moquegua: The Altiplano ColoniesInvestigations in Moquegua demonstrate two distinct waves of Middle Horizon colonization by altiplano settlers. Both Tiwanaku colonies allowed and ultimately replaced the Huaracane tradition, a substantial indigenous Formative occupation in the middle Moquegua valley. Tiwanaku site locations, settlement patterns, mortuary and domestic traditions, and skeletal biology differ significantly from those of Huaracane, indicating distinct origins and ethnicity. Within the Moquegua Tiwanaku colonies, settlements of two distinct groups are distinguished by assemblages of Omo style and the Chen Chen style ceramics. The Omo style Tiwanaku settlers arrived first, but distinct villages using each style coexisted throughout the valley for centuries. These appear to represent colonists from distinct ethnicities or moieties within the Tiwanaku culture. Tiwanaku colonists maintained their highland identities in all aspects of domestic, mortuary and ritual practices through ayllu level social organization. The more substantial Chen Chen style colony also introduced provincial political organization, demonstrated by new infrastructure for surplus maize cultivation and the construction of a Tiwanaku style temple structure at the Omo site. / Las investigaciones en Moquegua han demostrado la presencia de dos diferentes oleadas de colonización tiwanaku provenientes del altiplano durante el Horizonte Media. Ambas colonias tiwanaku siguieron y, por último, reemplazaron a la tradición Huaracane, una sustancial ocupación indígena del Periodo Formativo en el valle medio de Moquegua. Las ubicaciones de los sitios, patrones de asentamiento, tradiciones funerarias y domésticas, y biología ósea tiwanaku difieren significativamente de aquellos huaracane, indicando orígenes y etnicidad distintos. Dentro de las colonias tiwanaku en Moquegua se distinguían los asentamientos de dos grupos distintos sobre la base de la cerámica de los estilos Omo y Chen Chen. Los colonos tiwanaku del estilo Omo llegaron primero, pero diversas aldeas, usando cada estilo, coexistieron a través del valle por siglos. Esto parece representar a colonias provenientes de diversas etnias o parcialidades dentro de la cultura Tiwanaku. Los colonos tiwanaku mantuvieron sus identidades altiplánicas en todos los aspectos de sus prácticas domésticas, funerarias y rituales a través de un nivel de organización tipo ayllu. La colonia más sustancial, del estilo Chen Chen, también introdujo una organización política provincial, la cual se demuestra a través de una nueva infraestructura para el cultivo de excedentes de maíz y la construcción de un templo del estilo Tiwanaku en el sitio Omo.

Cerro Baul: A Wari Enclave Interacting with TiwanakuWari expansion to the extreme south of Peru is a phenomenon whose study began 20 years ago, with the discovery of a great arquitectonic complex at Cerro Baul. The excavations undertaken in the last 3 years have revealed that Cerro Baul was more than a military fortress; it was the most important political and religious center that Wari established in the only region where there is direct evidence of interaction with Tiwanaku, the altiplano state that established its colonial center in the middle Moquegua Valley. Based on the twelve radiocarbon dates from Cerro Baul, we can affirm that this interaction was maintained for over 200 years, a time that included periods of tension and others of cooperation.The current work analyzes the relations that the Wari colony on Cerro Baul maintained with its capital located in the Department of Ayacucho. Therefore, we document the characteristics of the monumental and domestic architecture and establish their relationship to forms found in Ayacucho. We also analyze the irrigation technology implemented by Wari in the zone and compare it with the agricultural techniques utilized prior to Wari expansion in Ayacucho and in Moquegua. Precedents for the irrigation technology in the Cerro Baul region are present in Ayacucho, but are not found in Moquegua. Both lines of evidence indicate that contacts between Cerro Baul and the capital were very strong, a position which is also supported by the extensive exchange of prestige goods. Apparently, the Moquegua colony articulated the Wari state's policies for interacting with the Tiwanaku neighbors. / La expansión wari hacia el extremo sur del Perú es un fenómeno cuyo estudio ha comenzado en los últimos 20 años, con el descubrimiento de un gran complejo arquitectónico en Cerro Baúl. Las excavaciones realizadas en los últimos tres años han revelado que Cerro Baúl, más que una fortaleza, fue un centro político y religioso wari muy importante, establecido como enclave en una región donde resulta evidente una directa interacción con Tiwanaku, el estado altiplánico que colonizó el valle medio del Osmore. En base a 12 fechados radiocarbónicos, se puede deducir que esta interacción se habría mantenido por un lapso aproximado de 200 años, tiempo en el cual habrían existido momentos de tensión y otros de cooperación.EI presente trabajo analiza las relaciones que tenía la colonia wari de Cerro Baúl con su capital, ubicada en el departamento de Ayacucho. Para tal fin se han documentado las características de la arquitectura -doméstica y monumental- y se han establecido sus relaciones con formas encontradas en Ayacucho y en otros centros regionales. También se ha analizado la tecnología de riego implementada por Wari en la zona y comparado con la tecnología agrícola de Ayacucho, notando claras similitudes con ésta y fuertes contrastes con la que había antes de la ocupación wari en Moquegua. Ambas líneas de evidencia indican que los contactos entre Cerro Baúl y la capital eran intensos, lo cual se observa también en el intercambio de bienes de prestigio, notándose que fue la colonia de Moquegua la que mantuvo los lineamientos de la política del Estado Wari en su interacción con Tiwanaku.

A Reexamination of the Development of the Late Preceramic Complex Society through the Radiocarbon Dates and Archaeological Researches in Casma ValleyIn many aspects, the preceramic sites of Casma are typical of preceramic occupations in other parts of Peru. Nevertheless, the beginnings of nondomestic or monumental architecture are present at the Casma sites of Tortugas and Huaynuna. In addition, at the site of Huaynuna there is evidence of an "aceramic" occupation that coexisted with the first settlements associated with ceramics in the Early Formative or Initial Period. The existence of aceramic sites in Casma called attention to other sites that, though lacking ceramics, have radiocarbon dates later than 1800 a.C., that is, during the time period typically considered as the Early Formative. This realization has implications with respect to the maritime hypothesis and the development of complex society along the Peruvian coast. / En muchos aspectos, los sitios precerámicos de Casma son típicos de las ocupaciones precerámicas del resto del Perú. Sin embargo, en los sitios de Tortugas y Huaynuná de Casma se encuentran los inicios de la arquitectura no doméstica o monumental. Además, en el sitio de Huaynuná tambien hay evidencia de una ocupación "acerámica" que coexistía con los primeros asentamientos con cerámica del Periodo Inicial o Formativo Temprano. El reconocimiento de los sitios acerámicos en Casma llamó la atención a otros sitios que, aunque carecen de cerámica, tienen fechados radiocarbónicos después de 1800 a.C., es decir durante lo que típicamente se consideraba como el Formativo Temprano. Este hallazgo tiene implicaciones con respecto a la hipótesis marítima y el desarrollo de la sociedad compleja en la costa peruana.

Culture types in Pacific Northwest archaeology are characteristic artifact assemblages distinguishing different prehistoric periods. Assemblages indicate a culture type transition during the 2,630 BP–270 BP occupation of Willows Beach (DcRt-10), southeastern Vancouver Island. Faunal remains could reveal links to subsistence patterns, following Croes’s theory that culture type change reflects subsistence intensification. Five dated DcRt-10 faunal assemblages underwent taxonomic and size classification, weighing and MNI calculation. Vertebrate weight and NISP percentages were compared between stratigraphic units associated with the later Gulf of Georgia and earlier Locarno Beach culture types. The youngest assemblage contains a smaller proportion of land mammal bone, suggesting increased sea mammal, fish, and bird procurement. Faunal remains also suggest a greater variety of taxa exploited over time. Faunal assemblages suggest that culture type change at DcRt-10 is the product of subsistence change, increasing knowledge of the culture historic sequence of this region.