The goal of this thesis was to validate journalist Rick Perlstein’s assertion in Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America (2008) that the foundational dialectic of the 1960s “has not yet ended.” With Nixon as the principal cultural architect of modern American political discourse, Perlstein defined Nixonland as “the America where two separate and irreconcilable sets of apocalyptic fears coexist in the minds of two separate and irreconcilable groups of Americans.” Perlstein’s grand narrative for the inherited socio-political landscape of the 1960s has conceptually synthesized the nature of the “culture wars” of the 1960s based on Nixon’s imposed hegemonic framework for political discourse through the theatre of television. The central argument of this thesis is shaped by the dialogue in the historiography in that Richard Nixon and Barack Obama appear to be “bookend presidents” of the limits of the modern American kulturkampf- the ongoing conflict between religious and secular elements in American society. While Nixon confined political discourse within the hegemonic framework of the images and rhetoric of modern American conservatism imbibed in the 1960s, Obama expanded the limits of political discourse through the motives and motifs of New Left rationalism established in the 1960s. Within this interpretative framework, this thesis illustrates the foundational dynamic of campaigning and governance within modern American political discourse by demonstrating how presidential elections are structured according to the Republican style of conservative “populist aggression” against the liberal Democratic substance of “fairness issues.”

The goal of this thesis was to validate journalist Rick Perlstein’s assertion in Nixonland: The Rise of a President and the Fracturing of America (2008) that the foundational dialectic of the 1960s “has not yet ended.” With Nixon as the principal cultural architect of modern American political discourse, Perlstein defined Nixonland as “the America where two separate and irreconcilable sets of apocalyptic fears coexist in the minds of two separate and irreconcilable groups of Americans.” Perlstein’s grand narrative for the inherited socio-political landscape of the 1960s has conceptually synthesized the nature of the “culture wars” of the 1960s based on Nixon’s imposed hegemonic framework for political discourse through the theatre of television. The central argument of this thesis is shaped by the dialogue in the historiography in that Richard Nixon and Barack Obama appear to be “bookend presidents” of the limits of the modern American kulturkampf- the ongoing conflict between religious and secular elements in American society. While Nixon confined political discourse within the hegemonic framework of the images and rhetoric of modern American conservatism imbibed in the 1960s, Obama expanded the limits of political discourse through the motives and motifs of New Left rationalism established in the 1960s. Within this interpretative framework, this thesis illustrates the foundational dynamic of campaigning and governance within modern American political discourse by demonstrating how presidential elections are structured according to the Republican style of conservative “populist aggression” against the liberal Democratic substance of “fairness issues.”

Presidential speech has defined some of the greatest moments in American history. However, over the last thirty years the public has grown frustrated with presidential oratory. This project identifies the strategies Reagan, Bush, and Clinton employed to tackle the public’s increasing disenchantment with presidential rhetoric. Using rhetorical analyses of speech drafts, content analyses of weekly radio addresses, and interviews with former presidential speechwriters, this project identified the proactive and reactive ways in which presidents and their speechwriters craft speeches to appeal to a disillusioned public. Results indicate that presidents can employ “executive rhetoric” to appeal to the presidential office and obscure the office-holder. By doing so, presidents can simultaneously preserve the value of speech, and restore—if not expand—presidential power. / text

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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references.

Theses (M.A.)--Marshall University, 2005. / Title from document title page. Includes abstract. Document formatted into pages: contains vi, 63 p. Bibliography: p. 62-63.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2008. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Mar.9, 2009). Thesis advisor: Michael R. Fitzgerald. Document formatted into pages (xi, 226 p. : ill.). Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 191-210).

Using the Aristotelian concept of artistic proof, this thesis analyzes nine televised speeches presented by President Reagan from February 1981 through April 1983. Reagan skillfully utilizes only two modes of rhetorical proof--ethos and pathos. However, his lack of logical proof has not lessened his effectiveness. This study reveals several reasons for Reagan's rhetorical effectiveness and success. For example, Reagan's strong ethical image and personality comfort his audience and encourage their trust. His weaknesses in logical argument are overlooked by his audience because of his high personal appeal. Furthermore, Reagan's use of pathos appeals makes Americans feel good about themselves and their country, helping him to maintain his popularity. Finally, Reagan's skillful use of the television medium has increased his effectiveness.

Studien behandlar de motiv den amerikanske presidenten Ronald Reagan fann till att USA skulle intervenera på Grenada, samt hur denna motivbild skapades. Som teori användes John J Mearsheimers offensiva realism och metoden tog sin utgångspunkt i Ernesto Laclau och Chantal Mouffes diskursanalys. Materialet som undersöktes bestod av texter och uttalanden med Reagan som avsändare. I analysen visade sig både motiv tillhörande den realistiska och liberala diskursen. Den liberala diskursen var dock underställd den realistiska, vilket visade på en hegemoni för den senare.