As cidades possuem grande dificuldade em lidar com espaços que perderam significado devido às mudanças decorrentes do seu próprio desenvolvimento, sejam elas sociais, políticas, econômicas ou culturais. A maior incidência destes locais na cidade contemporânea é em zonas outrora industriais, que sofreram o processo de desindustrialização. Muitas cidades no mundo têm se organizado a planejarem‐se de uma forma ampliada, colocando seus projetos em ação por meio de novas formas de governar. Estas incluem novas formas de articulações que são criadas em combinação entre os setores público e privado, e organizadas por meio de um planejamento estratégico. Entretanto, mesmo estas articulações público‐privadas e grandes planejamentos são, por muitas vezes, complexos de serem colocados em prática em países em desenvolvimento, como é o caso do Brasil. Vemos alguns casos que diferem destes planejamentos e ocorrem por meio de atitudes menos ortodoxas. São experiências que não esperam por um planejamento formal do governo ou de suas articulações e começam a se organizar para a ocupação de zonas em subutilização. O primeiro modelo destas experiências demonstrado neste trabalho ocorre pelo pioneirismo de empreendedores da iniciativa privada que se antecipam às tendências mercadológicas e apostam na ocupação de imóveis em zonas industriais degradadas. Estes pioneiros reconhecem o potencial destas zonas ricas em infraestrutura urbana, próximas a locais nos quais existe vitalidade e investem grandes montantes de capital onde a grande maioria dos empreendedores ainda não cogita investir. Usualmente, há uma tendência de outros empreendedores ocuparem estas áreas ao verificarem o sucesso dos primeiros empreendimentos. Cada novo empreendimento acaba gerando um núcleo de revitalização que vai se diluindo pelo entorno até a zona estar completamente revitalizada. O exemplo da revitalização do MEATPACKING DISTRIC em Nova York ilustrará o caso, com o reforço de um projeto de rearquitetura de uma antiga infraestrutura ferroviária, transformada um parque que funciona como catalisador deste processo de revitalização. Na antiga zona industrial de Porto Alegre, denominada 4º distrito, o estudo de caso da antiga Fábrica FIATECI, transformada em um complexo de uso misto, indica uma tendência à revitalização da zona nos moldes acima descritos. O segundo modelo ocorre com a verificação das necessidades da comunidade ou de um despertar criativo de alguns grupos, assim, surgem práticas que podem ser caracterizadas como “bottom‐up”, ou de baixo para cima. Os exemplos da ocupação de uma antiga indústria em Portugal, e outra no Rio de Janeiro, transformada em dois parques criativos, nos quais se mantêm totalmente as características industriais do contexto e inserem-se atividades ligadas à economia criativa, comprovam as potencialidades destas ações. Igualmente, no 4º distrito de Porto Alegre, surge, por meio de um grupo de atores da área criativa, a iniciativa de reutilização fora dos padrões imobiliários de um antigo e deteriorado conjunto edificado que serviu de moradia de aluguel para os funcionários das fábricas da região. A proposta do grupo é a reciclagem de uso do conjunto de forma a agrupar comércio local, moradia temporária e salas comerciais ligadas à área criativa com zonas de convivência comuns. De modo geral, servirá como núcleo revitalizador desta antiga zona industrial. A fim de angariar fundos para a viabilização do projeto, que não vem alavancado por alguma incorporadora, por tratar‐se de um tipo de empreendimento que, aos olhos empresariais, não é altamente rentável, os idealizadores do projeto já iniciaram a utilização do espaço, mesmo em precárias condições, a fim de envolver a comunidade de modo cativo ao projeto. As atividades ocorrem de maneiras variadas a fim de apropriarem‐se do espaço de maneira semipública, abrindo os jardins para quem circula e, logo, criarem urbanidade para o entorno. Este modelo serve como laboratório social para experimentação de usos e soluções que porventura poderão ser incorporados ao projeto quando finalizado. Esta é uma nova forma de intervenção que parte do pressuposto de que a utilização do espaço possa moldá‐lo. A intenção deste trabalho é demonstrar alternativas criativas e novas possibilidades para, de uma forma sustentável, reconstruir a cidade dentro da cidade. / Cities have great difficulty in dealing with spaces that have lost meaning due to changes resulting from its own development, whether social, political, economic or cultural. The highest incidence of these sites in the contemporary city is in formerly industrial areas, which suffered deindustrialization process. Many cities in the world has been organized in a way to plan it in a broad way, putting their projects into action through new ways of governing. These include new forms of joints that are created in combination of public and private sector and organized through a strategic planning. However, even these public-private joint and big plans are often complex by being put into practice in developing countries, such as Brazil. We see some of these cases differ from planning and occur through less orthodox attitudes. These are experiences that do not wait for a formal planning of the government or its joints and begin to organize to occupy zones in underutilization. The first model of these experiments demonstrated in this work takes place through the pioneering entrepreneurs of the private sector that anticipate market trends and betting on real estate occupancy in brownfield areas. These pioneers recognize the potential of these areas of high urban infrastructure, close to the places where there is vitality and invest large amounts of capital where the vast majority of entrepreneurs still do not consider investments. Usually there is a tendency of other entrepreneurs occupy these areas when considering the success of the first projects. Each new venture ends up generating a revitalization core that will dilute the surrounding area to be completely revitalized. The example of the revitalization of MEATPACKING DISTRIC in New York illustrate the case, with the strengthening of a re-architecture design of an old railway infrastructure, transformed a park that acts as a catalyst of this revitalization process. In the old industrial area of Porto Alegre, called 4th district the case study old FIATECI Factory, transformed into a complex of mixed use, indicates a tendency to revitalize the area in the above described manner. The second model is a verification of community needs or a creative awakening of some groups, there are practices that can be characterized as "bottom-up", or from the bottom up. Examples of the occupation of an old industry in Portugal, and another in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, transformed into two creative parks where fully maintain the industrial characteristics of the context and forms part of activities related to the creative economy proves the potential of these actions. Also, in the 4th District of Porto Alegre district, comes across a group of actors in the creative area, a reuse initiative out real state patterns of an old and deteriorated group of buildings that served as rental housing for employees of factories in the region. The group's proposal is recycling use of the set so as to local shops, temporary housing and commercial space connected to the creative area with common use areas. This project, generally, will serve as revitalizing core of this former industrial site. In order to raise funds for the viability of the project, which is not leveraged by any developer because it is a type of business that is not highly profitable for big investors, the creators of the project have already started the use of space, even in poor conditions in order to involve the community to the project. Activities take place in various ways in order to people to appropriate the space: opening the gardens for pedestrians and hence create urbanity for the surroundings. This model serves as a social laboratory for experimentation of uses and solutions that perhaps could be incorporated into the project when it is completed. This is a new form of intervention assumes that the use of space can mold it. The intention of this work is to demonstrate creative alternatives and new possibilities for sustainably rebuild the city within the city.

The thesis is conceived as a conceptual urban design of an area in the wider part of Brno city centre, in the district Brno-Zábrdovice. It works with the new principles of the compact city. It is focused primarily on the resurgence of streets, public spaces, waterfront of Svitava river, construction of areas for housing in the form of block of houses and revitalization of Cejl street. Project is designed according to contemporary urban design principles and eliminates the degree of flooding by automobile traffic in Brno city centre.

L’objectif de cette thèse est de présenter les stratégies du négoce landernéen de la fin du XVIIe siècle au milieu du XIXe siècle. L’implantation de la Marine Royale à Brest à la fin du XVIIe siècle pour préparer la « Seconde guerre de Cent Ans » la perte du marché anglais pour les crées du Léon, les guerres incessantes entre 1744 et 1815, les crises de toute nature, la perte du marché espagnol et de ses colonies dans les années 1820, voilà autant de défis à relever pour la communauté marchande landernéenne. Elle développe un commerce actif et saisissant toutes les opportunités, s’efforce d’y faire face. Renforcée par des apports allogènes, elle se transforme en groupe dominant, s’installant au sommet de la hiérarchie financière et, en 1721, s’empare du pouvoir local dans une ville qui devient pleinement négociante. Elle peut ainsi orienter l’action publique au service de ses ambitions et, réaliser ainsi un équipement portuaire adapté aux besoins de trafics en expansion. Près de ce poumon économique s’édifient les hôtels particuliers témoignant de la réussite des négociants. Lorsqu’au début des années 1820, la Révolution libérale espagnole et l’émancipation des colonies ferment définitivement ces marchés aux toiles bretonnes, le principal groupe marchand de la ville engage, cas unique en Bretagne, une étonnante reconversion industrielle, afin de se positionner en leader sur les marchés de fournitures militaires. Cette révolution, indispensable pour répondre aux exigences de prix et de qualité du donneur d’ordres, aboutit à la création en 1845 de la Société Linière du Finistère, qui devient la plus importante entreprise privée du Finistère, salariant jusqu’à 4 500 employés. / In this thesis, we aim at presenting the merchants strategies in Landerneau from the end of the XVIIth century to the middle of the XIXth century. The French Navy based in Brest at the end of the XVIIth century – in order to prepare for the « Second Hundred Years’ War » - as well as the loss of the English market by the crées (linen canvas) of Leon, the constant wars betwenn 1744 and 1815, the crisis of all kinds, the loss of the Spanish market and its colonies during the 1820’s, constituted several challenges to address for Landerneau’s merchants’ commmunity. Developping an active trade, this community tried to face every new opportunity. Reinforced by external additions, it became a dominant group, getting the upper place of the financial hierarchy. In 1721, it managed to take over the local government, making the town to fully becoming a trade place. The public policy could then be turned to serve the goals set up by this group, like building new harbour facilities, matching with the needs of an expanding traffic. The beautiful mansions built nearby this economical backbone, are as many testimonies of the merchants’ achievement.When, at the beginning of the 1820’s, the Spanish liberal revolution and the emancipation of the colonies definitly closed those markets to canvas from Brittany, an amazing industrial restructuring was engaged by the main merchant’s group of the town, in order to become leader on the market of military supply. This is a unique case in Brittany. This revolution, essential to respond to the price and quality requiered by the payer, leaded to the creation in 1845 of the Société Linière du Finistère (Linen Society of Finistère), which became the main private compagny of Finistère, employing up to 4500 people.

During World War II, seaports Brest, Lorient and Saint-Nazaire were heavily destroyed because of their strategic location on the Atlantic coastline. Those historical events could be considered as new opportunities for the seaports to realise new thoughts and ambitious architectural projects in order to improve the functionality of the urban organism. In these days, a new occasion has come. Military and industrial areas, which were always thoroughly separated from the town centres, have been now releasing from their original activity. There are huge free building sites in the middle of the cities, waiting for the urban architects.

The thesis focus on the reconversion church building in the selected location. At the beginning of the work described church buildings and their influence on the surrounding, the structure of the Roman Catholic Church and the development of church property during the history. This is complemented by theoretical terms and possible methods of valuing cultural monument. The practical part deals with the reconversion church building, specifically the Dominican monastery in Znojmo. Based on an analysis of Znojmo and monastery was suggesting possible use of the monastery. Of these, two variants were selected and were compared. Of these two options, one was chosen as the most suitable option for future use.

Étudier les évolutions de carrière en général et les bifurcations en particulier, quoi de plus banal, finalement, pour qui s'intéresse à un groupe professionnel ? Cela constitue simplement un angle d'attaque permettant d'examiner les phénomènes de socialisation professionnelle selon un axe d'analyse mieux spécifié. Et pourtant, appliquer cette démarche à l'enseignement du premier degré va à l'encontre d'évidences sociales solidement ancrées. Cela permet et exige de mettre à distance la conception traditionnelle du métier d'instituteur qui le présente comme une vocation marquée par l'oblation et "l'amour des enfants". Rompant avec cette perception d'un métier à part, l'analyse des processus de mobilité professionnelle amène à considérer l'institutorat comme un métier parmi d'autres. Chercher à comprendre pourquoi on quitte un métier en cours de carrière conduit à réinterroger les raisons pour lesquelles on le choisit, et celles qui font que l'on s'y maintient. L'analyse des modalités de départ depuis un groupe professionnel permet de reconsidérer sa position relative parmi d'autres professions, ainsi que les compétences et les ressources professionnelles de ses membres. Les traits structurants des parcours de mobilité sont donc fortement liés aux caractéristiques sociohistoriques du groupe professionnel d'origine. Mais les trajectoires objectives de mobilité professionnelle doivent être confrontées au sens que les acteurs sociaux leur attribuent, et, sans céder au subjectivisme, il est loisible de considérer la mobilité professionnelle en cours de carrière des enseignants du premier degré comme l'aventure personnelle de mobilité à l'épreuve du social.

Sous le régime du Code civil du Bas-Canada, le devoir d’exécuter le contrat de bonne foi était une condition implicite de tout contrat suivant l’article 1024 C.c.B.C. Le 1er janvier 1994, ce devoir a toutefois été codifié à l’article 1375 du Code civil du Québec. Parallèlement à ce changement, le contrat a subi plusieurs remises en question, principalement en raison des critiques émises contre la théorie de l’autonomie de la volonté. En réponse à ces critiques, la doctrine a proposé deux théories qui supposent une importante coopération entre les contractants durant l’exécution du contrat, à savoir le solidarisme contractuel et le contrat relationnel. La notion de bonne foi a aussi évolué récemment, passant d’une obligation de loyauté, consistant généralement en une abstention ou en un devoir de ne pas nuire à autrui, à une obligation plus active d’agir ou de faciliter l’exécution du contrat, appelée devoir de coopération. Ce devoir a donné lieu à plusieurs applications, dont celles de renseignement et de conseil. Ce mémoire étudie la portée et les limites du devoir de coopération. Il en ressort que le contenu et l’intensité de ce devoir varient en fonction de critères tenant aux parties et au contrat. Une étude plus particulière des contrats de vente, d’entreprise et de franchise ainsi que des contrats conclus dans le domaine informatique indique que le devoir de coopération est plus exigeant lorsque le contrat s’apparente au contrat de type relationnel plutôt qu’au contrat transactionnel. Le créancier peut, entre autres choses, être obligé d’« aider » son débiteur défaillant et même de renégocier le contrat devenu déséquilibré en cours d’exécution, bien que cette dernière question demeure controversée. Le devoir de coopération n’est cependant pas illimité parce qu’il s’agit d’une obligation de moyens et non de résultat. Il est également limité, voire inexistant, lorsque le débiteur de cette obligation est tenu à d’autres obligations comme un devoir de réserve ou de non-ingérence, lorsque le cocontractant est de mauvaise foi ou qu’une partie résilie unilatéralement le contrat ou décide de ne pas le renouveler. / The duty of good faith in the performance of the contract was an implied condition of any contract under article 1024 of the Civil Code of Lower Canada. On January 1st 1994, however, this duty was codified at article 1375 of the Civil Code of Québec. In parallel to this change, the traditional understanding of “contract” based on the doctrine of the autonomy of the parties has come to be challenged. In response to this critique, two theories emphasizing the importance of collaboration between contractual parties during the performance of a contract have been suggested, namely, “contractual solidarism” and “relational contract” have been suggested. The notion of “good faith” has also recently evolved. It was originally limited to a duty of loyalty, consisting mainly in an abstention or in the duty not to harm anyone. Today, good faith also refers to a more active obligation which may require a party to act or to facilitate the performance of the contract. This general “duty to cooperate”, as it is called, has given rise to many applications, including the duty to inform or to advise. This paper examines the extent and limits of the duty of the contracting parties to cooperate during the performance of the contract. The content and intensity of this duty are influenced by factors pertaining to the characteristics of the contract or the contracting parties. Our study of the Québec jurisprudence focused on contracts of sale, contracts of enterprise, franchise agreements and contracts in the field of computers. It suggests that the duty of the parties to cooperate is greater in relational contracts than in transactional ones. For example, the creditor may, inter alia, be bound to “help” its defaulting debtor or to renegotiate the agreement when an unforeseen event has changed the initial contractual equilibrium. However, this last issue is still highly controversial. This duty to cooperate is not itself without limits. Firstly, it is an obligation of means, not one of result. It is also limited, even inexistent, when the debtor is bound by other duties such as a duty of “reserve” or of non-interference, when the other party is acting in bad faith or when a party unilaterally terminates a contract or does not renew it.

No description available.

The northernmost territory of Slovakia. Upper Orava. Immediate neighbors with Poland, the proximity of the border with the Czech Republic. Centre vast and relatively densely populated district (an area of 690, 46 km2 and are home to 60,653 inhabitants). The whole region is a protected area, richly wooded. Right in the city cadastre passes Ramsar protected area. The town lies at the foot of Orava Beskydy, Magura and the banks of the Orava dam, which flooded the western part of the Orava Basin. The district does not rail, relatively dense settlements generates raster-developed road network and frequented suburban bus service. Cities Tvrdošín and Trstená are just 14 km far from Namestovo. Total 24 800 inhabitants combines an attractive route in the Orava Dam whose potential should be multiplied by completing the cycle path. Despite the lower number of inhabitants (8000) Námestovo is the centre a common system of public administration, recreation center, summer festivals and nightlife, the city that attract large numbers of visitors. Addressed area is located at the junction of the center of Namestovo and housing estates - places with the highest concentration of citizens. Meaning a small center of a small town is gaining esteem size of its catchment area. The functions above-urban importance are located in four areas - Square post office Hviezdoslava to the commercial zone, shops and services. Námestie A. Bernoláka - administration and authorities Lower Shores - health, industrial zone - centered manufacturing and service jobs in manufacturing. Out ff these sites two are located in solved area - commercial and health. Despite its importance, its appearance, depiction of a character does not correspond to his post. Absent are deeper expression, grasping and subsequent use of public space, and the concept of long-term strategy.

Cette recherche a pour ambition de contribuer aux études sur l’histoire sociale de la construction européenne. En prenant pour point d’appui le cas de l’industrie charbonnière, il a été possible de mettre en évidence une tentative de préservation et de prolongement des politiques sociales d’après-guerre à l’intérieur de la Communauté. Les débats sur le logement ouvrier, les discussions paritaires et la tentative d’instauration d’un statut européen du mineur reflètent cette continuité entre les niveaux nationaux et européens. L’échec de politiques sociales d’envergure sonnait le glas d’un élan initié par quelques syndicalistes et militants européens pour un approfondissement de l’Europe sociale dont l’expression commençait à prendre consistance. La crise charbonnière de 1958 allait transformer les politiques de la Haute Autorité où la réponse aux crises régionales prenait une place majeure. En ce sens, la reconversion du Borinage était le premier test social d’envergure pour le maintien du consensus politique d’après-guerre. Malgré les mesures nationales et européennes pour la relance économique du bassin borain, aucune industrie n’est parvenue à remplacer les fosses tant du point de vue économique qu’identitaire. Les conflits sociaux apparus dans les années 1970 ont alors mis en lumière les transformations sociales et culturelles du Borinage en reconversion. / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished