Abstract Among all provinces in Mainland China, Fujian, located across the strait from Taiwan, has the most intimate relationship with Taiwan. The economic development between Fujian and Taiwan thus has important implications and values, which are unfolding in the following aspects: (1) historical connection; (2) geographic site; (3) Mainland China¡¦s Policy toward Taiwan; (4) Taiwan-Fujian¡¦s economic structure; and (5) the developmental layout of Taiwan economy. The research framework of this present study utilized Heckscher-Ohlin approach, which is to observe the capital-labor ratio, by which those with more of capital element export the capital-intensive products, while those with more of labor element export the labor-intensive products. Taiwan¡¦s capital-labor ratio is approximately 221 times Fujian¡¦s, which is consistent with public understanding, that is to say, Taiwan should focus on developing capital-intensive industries, and Fujian, labor-intensive industries. Based on objective statistics in investment items, investment amount, investment scale, and industrial structures of Taiwanese-owned enterprises in Fujian, this study is in an attempt to analyze the characteristics of distribution and development of Taiwanese-owned enterprises in Fujian after the implementation of Mainland China¡¦s reform and open-door policy. As for the development and predicament of Taiwan-Fujian relationship, given that Fujian is not only the military frontline against Taiwan, but also the synthesized experiment zone, ¡§three links¡¨ pioneer zone, and ¡§one country, two systems¡¨ connection zone, this study suggests Taiwan should take adequate preventive measures to avoid ¡§peaceful evolution¡¨ in politics, deal with ¡§national security¡¨ issues resulted from economic exchange, and thoroughly analyze the status quo of ¡§small three links¡¨ policy.

<p>The general aim of this paper is to describe how the European Union can affect and transfer their conditionality politics to the Western Balkan countries. A specific purpose of this study is to describe and explain what we in this paper consider to be a specific additional membership criterion, regional cooperation that has been especially designed for this region. The point of departure for this paper is Europeanization theory that will be used to study the European Union’s impact on non EU-members in Europe. The theoretical Europeanization mechanisms are taken from Heather Grabbes “Europeanization model”. A descriptive case study method together with a theory consuming method will be used. After the wars in former Yugoslavia the now independent countries started in their own pace to move closer the European Union. The problems the individual countries faced in the beginning of the 21^st century were much a consequence of the war. This lead the European Union to establish a special political and economical regional framework, where regional cooperation was emphasized. Regional cooperation developed into one of the most important elements in the EU´s relation with the countries and is made a specific requirement under the Stabilization- and association process. Implications this paper makes are that regional cooperation can be considered as a specific requirement the EU use in the Western Balkan countries membership process and that EU have a series of “influencing tools” which works to promote regional cooperation in the Western Balkans.</p><!--EndFragment-->

The general aim of this paper is to describe how the European Union can affect and transfer their conditionality politics to the Western Balkan countries. A specific purpose of this study is to describe and explain what we in this paper consider to be a specific additional membership criterion, regional cooperation that has been especially designed for this region. The point of departure for this paper is Europeanization theory that will be used to study the European Union’s impact on non EU-members in Europe. The theoretical Europeanization mechanisms are taken from Heather Grabbes “Europeanization model”. A descriptive case study method together with a theory consuming method will be used. After the wars in former Yugoslavia the now independent countries started in their own pace to move closer the European Union. The problems the individual countries faced in the beginning of the 21st century were much a consequence of the war. This lead the European Union to establish a special political and economical regional framework, where regional cooperation was emphasized. Regional cooperation developed into one of the most important elements in the EU´s relation with the countries and is made a specific requirement under the Stabilization- and association process. Implications this paper makes are that regional cooperation can be considered as a specific requirement the EU use in the Western Balkan countries membership process and that EU have a series of “influencing tools” which works to promote regional cooperation in the Western Balkans. <!--EndFragment-->

Since 1980s, government reformation has become a trend all around the world. The role that government plays faced harsh challenges so that changes are of a must. The relationship between central and local governments engaged in adjustment as a consequence. Many countries have realized the importance of decentralization of government powers. Since the declaration of the ending of martial law, Taiwan has proceeded a series of social and political liberation. Economic society and citizen society are becoming more and more vigorous as well. The whole society has been accumulating energy and ready to take off. After the legalization of local autonomy and the awakening of the people on their civil rights, democracy has already been a magic word. People enthusiastically participate in the public affairs they are interested in. Intergovernmental relationship (IGR), on the other hand, is an issue getting more complicated and problematic. The development of local autonomy is shifting from old, conventional, conservative, parochial, authoritarian localism to a new localism, which is open, interdependent, negotiating and regional cooperative. In order to respond to the request of people for more personal services, many local administrations usually deal with businesses that involve more than one region such as refuse disposal, river management, reservoir management, environment protection, mass transportation and health care. All these issues are highly interdependent and need cross-regional cooperation. Local governments should seek solution through the aspect of regional cooperation. Therefore, the key to the increase of government efficiency lies on the implementation of cross-regional cooperation mechanism among local governments. As a matter of fact, many solution strategies aiming cross-regional cooperation were given by many a local government in the world already. This essay studied the parallel interactive cooperation between local governments and provided a cross-regional cooperation solution. The case study included two examples, Taipei-Keelung and Kaohsiung City-County-Pingtong, to compare and analyze their refuse disposal models. I hope this study could help to develop horizontal integration and cross-regional cooperation among local governments and to construct ideal interaction models among vicinity regions so as to build a mechanism for wholesome metropolitan development. As part of the foundation, this study may be referred to as a suggestion for effective solution on cross-regional issues.

Cultural & Creative Industry (CCI) is a highly knowledge-based and productive industry. And the cultural tourist industry also been treated as the most potential industry in 21st century. Kaohsiung city, Kaohsiung county, and Ping Tung county are located in the most southern part of Taiwan. In the past, the local governments didn¡¦t focus on cultural travel. Since 2004, these three local government established ¡§Regional development committee¡¨ to open mutual dialogue between administrations. This committee is not only coordinating the relationships of governments, but also to run for more resources to develop industry captivity. Therefore, this research will take the region of Kaohsiung city, Kaohsiung County, and pin Tong County as research target. In vertical dimension, the research will focus on global trends, cultural touristy theory, cultural property theory, and overseas case study. In horizontal dimension, the research will combine the country¡¦s development policy, city vision, and regional resources. With cross analysis, the research will find out the benefits in politic, economic, and culture. Also, the research use methodologies such as document reading, case analysis, SWOT analysis, in-depth interview, and field study. This research will try to discuss following contents: 1.to clarify the trend and content of cultural touristy in international point of view through document reading. 2.to review the nation¡¦s development policy and southern city visions. The research will find the combination of targets. 3.to trigger the standards of economic benefit, and tell the develop advantage of this area from the development of cultural & creative industry and overseas successful case. 4.to use unique regional culture to create southern cultural travel image in eco-tourism as the last theme.

The investment needs of the water and sanitation sector and the financing constraints facing many developing countries were important catalysts for the promotion of private investment during the 1990s. Towards the end of the decade however, the flow of private capital began to decline primarily due to the poor performance of some investments and difficulties encountered during these transactions. Regardless, private investment is still considered an important financial resource for the sector which has resulted in considerable attention in addressing governance, economic and socio-political factors which can discourage investment. The aim of the research is to develop a strategic framework for attracting private investment to the Caribbean water and sanitation sector. Using a multiple-case study approach, the research examines the phenomenon of private investment in the water and sanitation sectors in Jamaica, Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago by assessing the environment for private investment and determining the specific drivers and deterrents to this type of investment. The implications of small size in the Caribbean context for institutional requirements to support private investment in the sector are also examined. Primary data for the research are obtained from public officials involved in the management, operation and regulation of the sector, local and international private service providers and local financial institutions through interviews and survey questionnaires. Documents are used to contextualise, corroborate and augment the research. The research found that in addition to traditional strategic and financial criteria in terms of provisions of the operating environment and investment performance, behaviour-related factors such as interest in job security, recognition and comfort were also important to the investment decision in the sector. Investors' perceptions of the utility were also found to be a statistically significant determinant of investment. Besides emphasising the importance of creating a conducive environment for investment, the research highlighted a need to simultaneously focus on generating specific investment opportunities to build investor confidence. The most important consequence of small size to negatively impact on creating conducive conditions for investment was the effect of limited professional capacity on institutional arrangements in the sector. Accordingly, sharing professional expertise to address capacity constraints emerged as the most feasible opportunity for regional cooperation to improve the environment for private investment in the sector.

The main objective of this thesis is to understand the economic, social and political impacts of globalization on the Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Central Asian countries in general. The empirical studies based on panel data analyses and the case study on Kyrgyzstan demonstrate that the socio-economic effect of globalization on development of these countries is twofold. On the one hand benefits produced by globalization such as migration and remittances can be useful for economic development in the short run. They take a role of a "shock absorber" of the challenges that are associated with transition to a free market economy. On the other hand, their long term economic impacts can be negative especially in the areas of industry and export. Moreover, it can have a negative effect in the future creating a loss of human capital and distorting traditional forms of social structures within societies. The political impact of globalization is also dual. The empirical analysis that is based on simple regression analysis demonstrates that adoption of liberal democracy model by Central Asian governments is not a necessary condition for successful economic growth. Countries can be democratic and have low or medium socio-economic development such as India or Ukraine. They also can be undemocratic and developed as China or Kazakhstan. To find a certain connection between democracy and development it is needed to look at other important economic, geo-political and social factors that can contribute to the development. On the other hand regional and global challenges produced by globalization forced Central Asian countries to find a political position that would satisfy interests of inside and outside actors as well as provide proper environment for stable political and economic development. The descriptive analysis demonstrates that Central Asian countries chose the path of political integration and cooperation by being involved in regional institutions such as SCO and EEC. This strategy can help them to withstand challenges produced by globalization and promote political stability and economic growth in the region.

Regional cooperation around inland seas plays an important role in environmental protection as it can involve all countries from the catchment area. Two regional organizations, HELCOM in the Baltic Sea and BSC in the Black Sea regions serve as intermediary for joint efforts and have the same tasks in protection of their respective seas. While HELCOM operates in a region recognized as a role model of regional cooperation, the BSC suffers from poorer intergovernmental relations. The task set was to analyze and compare the two commissions with each other so that similar and dissimilar features could be found and suggestions for possible alterations could be made. In order to conduct the analysis a framework was used to compare historical and cultural background, legal and normative rules, structural forms and relations with stakeholders. The research shows that there is little fundamental difference in the structure and mechanisms of functioning between the two organizations, but much more between the context. The findings in this paper can help to understand the conditions of both commissions’ functioning and which steps are needed in order to improve the effectiveness of the BSC work.

<p>This study examines the European Unions (EU) promoting of regional cooperation, included in its programme, the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). The thesis is based upon the agreed activities in the EU/Ukraine relation concerning regional cooperation.</p><p>The aim for this thesis is to visualise the policy outcome of the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation. The following questions are posed: What are the goals for the EU; what are the achievements and planned actions and what instruments are used by the EU in the ENP concerning the EU/Ukraine relation and regional cooperation?</p><p>The theoretical approach assumes that the Union is a power in international relations. It’s well suited promoting its policies in an asymmetric power environment, where the EU is the supremacy.</p><p>This study is conducted with a qualitative research method, based on text analysis on the European Unions official documents.</p><p>The result shows that the goals for the Union are the protection of its prosperity and its energy supply. Ukraine shall assist the EU, reaching these goals. In exchange, is the EU promising integration to the Unions internal market for Ukraine. But the EU has problems when this contravenes to Russia’s interests. This confirms the theory.</p>

Power inequalities and mistrust have characterized many interstate relationships. Yet most international relations theories do not take into account power and mistrust when explaining cooperation. While some scholars argue that power relations inhibit cooperation between states, other scholars expect interstate cooperation regardless of the power relations and level of trust. I argue that although states benefit from cooperation, they are also wary of the power relations between states, making cooperation difficult. Successful and cooperative bilateral relationships are formed between strong and weak states that are power asymmetric and have mistrust of one another, but they are built in such as way as to overcome the problem of power asymmetry and distrust. In this dissertation, I answer how and why states that are in power asymmetry and have mistrust of one another are able to build a cooperative bilateral relationship. I argue that states forge a relationship due to strategic needs such as economic or security needs. I have developed a database composed of the whole population of bilateral treaties between Russia and each of the former Soviet republics, and examine all of the bilateral relationships formed between Russia and the former Soviet republics. I find that Russia indeed forged relationships with the former republics based on its strategic interests. However, despite Russia's strategic interests, it had to build a bilateral relationship that would address the issues of mistrust and power asymmetry between the states. To achieve this, Russia and the former Soviet republics created treaty networks, which served to legitimize as well as legalize the independent status of each of the former republics while also increasing the cost to Russia of violating any of the treaties. I argue that strong treaty networks account for a more cooperative relationship between states, allowing both states to cooperate by alleviating the problems of mistrust and power asymmetry.