Depuis quelques années, le réchauffement climatique est un thème qui fait l’objet de plusieurs débats houleux. Mais à l’heure actuelle, il est difficile d’affirmer avec certitude que le réchauffement climatique et les catastrophes qui se multiplient, ces derniers temps, en sont les conséquences évidentes. Toutefois, il ne fait l’ombre d’aucun doute que ces catastrophes naturelles ou celles d’origine anthropique ont des incidences avérées sur l’environnement et le milieu de vie humain. C’est le cas dans le Pacifique avec les îles du Tuvalu exposées à la montée du niveau de la mer, à l’érosion et même à la disparition. C’est aussi le cas dans le Sahel avec le lac Tchad qui, en raison d’une baisse de la pluviométrie, de la sécheresse et d’une mauvaise gestion de ses eaux, connait un rétrécissement inquiétant, obligeant ainsi, des milliers de personnes à migrer dans l’espace du bassin conventionnel du lac Tchad partagé entre le Nigéria, le Niger, le Cameroun et le Tchad. Ces mouvements internes et transfrontaliers mal encadrés sont sources de tensions et d’insécurité. Cette situation semble peu préoccuper les pays touchés, moins encore les pays riches et la communauté internationale, qui en l’absence de tout cadre juridico-humanitaire et d’un statut protecteur international, montrent peu de signe d’empressement pour trouver des solutions afin d’assister les réfugiés et déplacés climatiques et environnementaux qui risquent d’être lésés dans leur droit à la vie et à une vie décente. En raison du vide juridique au niveau international, il serait souhaitable de faire un état des lieux des possibilités actuelles de protection juridique universelle et régionale avant de revenir vers des pistes de solutions adaptées aux besoins spécifiques de l’Afrique par le biais de l’Union Africaine. Une option audacieuse mais qui vaut la peine en raison du contexte actuel qui impose une recherche de solutions scientifiques et juridiques pouvant aider à l’action des décideurs politiques. / In recent years, global warming has been the subject of several heated debates. But, it is currently difficult to affirm with certainty that global warming and the increase in natural disasters in recent times are the obvious consequences. However, there is no doubt that these natural disasters or those caused by human activities have a proven impact on the environment and the living environment. This is the case in the Pacific with the Tuvalu islands which have been exposed to rising sea levels, erosion and even extinction. This is also the case in the Sahel region where due to a decline in rainfall, drought and poor management of its waters, the Lake Chad is experiencing a disturbing contraction, forcing thousands of people whose life depends on it to migrate in the space of the conventional basin of Lake Chad shared between Nigeria, Niger, Cameroon and Chad. These poorly managed internal and cross-border movements are sources of tension and insecurity. This situation does not appear to be of sufficient concern to the countries affected by these changes, and even less to the developed countries and the international community, which in the absence of any legal and humanitarian framework and international protective status, show no signs of eagerness to find temporary or permanent solutions to assist climate and environmental refugees and environmentally displaced persons whomay be harmed in their right to life and decent life. Due to the current legal vacuum at the international level, it would be desirable to take stock of the current possibilities of universal and regional legal protection before returning to possible solutions adapted to the specific needs of Africa, through the African Union. This is a bold but worthwhile option because of the current context that requires a search for scientific and legal solutions that can help policy makers.

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This work seeks to understand the demands of the security sector in Latin America and Caribbean (LAC), in the context of reforms promoted by international aid agencies in the region. The initial hypothesis of this study is that international aid programs focused on Security Sector Reform (SSR) in the region have been generic, and have overlooked recipient countries\' own reform agendas. LAC perspectives on SSR have been inferred from documents of the Organization of American States (OAS), UNASUR, MERCOSUR, CARICOM and Andean Community documents. Information on international assistance for SSR programs was gathered from the OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) database for the years 2004-2014. The analysis shows that assistance programs are not generic and that the profile of projects, resources allocated and countries targeted differ greatly according to donors. However, international offer does not account for the whole set of demands and some expensive programs funded by international assistance are not even mentioned in local agendas, what suggests that SSR aid responds to funder\'s guidelines rather than to local needs. The study also reveals differences in programs funded by bilateral and multilateral aid agencies in the region, showing that, in general, programs funded by multilateral agencies are more attentive to local needs than those promoted by bilateral agencies, which are less demand-driven and more guided by donor interests. / Este trabalho busca entender as demandas do setor de segurança na América Latina e Caribe (ALC), no contexto das reformas promovidas pelas agências internacionais de cooperação para o desenvolvimento na região. A hipótese inicial deste estudo é que os programas de assistência internacional voltados à Reforma do Setor de Segurança (RSS) na região são genéricos e negligenciam as agendas de reforma dos países receptores. As perspectivas da ALC sobre RSS foram inferidas a partir de documentos da OEA, UNASUL, MERCOSUL, CARICOM e Comunidade Andina. Informações sobre assistência internacional para programas de RSS na região foram coletadas da base de dados do Comitê de Assistência ao Desenvolvimento (CAD) da OCDE para o período 2004-2014. A análise mostra que os programas de assistência não são genéricos e que o perfil dos projetos, recursos alocados e países alvo diferem muito de acordo com os doadores. No entanto, a oferta internacional não contempla o conjunto de demandas locais e alguns programas dispendiosos financiados pela comunidade de doadores sequer são mencionados nas agendas regionais, o que sugere que a assistência para programas de RSS responde às diretrizes do financiador e não às necessidades locais. O estudo também revela diferenças entre programas financiados por agências de ajuda bilateral e multilateral na região, mostrando que, em geral, programas financiados por agências multilaterais têm maior aderência às necessidades locais do que aqueles promovidos por agências bilaterais, que são menos orientadas pela demanda e mais guiada pelos interesses dos doadores.

Non-UN peace operations are becoming an increasingly important conflict mitigating tool. Whilst many studies find these operations unable to mitigate conflict and promote peace, the explanations for these findings mainly focus on material aspects like mission size and peacekeepers’ capability. In order to better understand the discrepancies between UN and non-UN peace operations’ success, this thesis argues that UN operations might be more efficient due to higher perceived legitimacy. In order to analyze whether the superior legitimacy of the UN explains their higher ability to mitigate conflict, this study analyzes whether non- UN peace operations authorized by the UN are more able to mitigate conflict than non-authorized peace operations. The argument is tested by applying an OLS regression to a data frame including all intrastate conflicts between 1993 and 2016 to study the covariation between conflict intensity and the presence of UN authorized and non-authorized peace operations. The results do not support the hypothesis that UN authorization increases non-UN peace operations’ conflict mitigating abilities. This suggests that material factors might better explain peace operations’ success or that UN authorization does not substantially increase the perceived legitimacy of non-UN peace operations.

This thesis examines the impact of external actors’ involvement on regional organizations’ mediation duration. Focusing on the context of Africa, the study employs a qualitative comparative analysis of two mediation cases to explore the causal relationship between extensive external actors’ involvement and mediation duration. The analysis draws on vastly collected qualitative data from various sources, including reports, news articles, practitioners’ memoirs, and other relevant publications. The finding reveals that extensive external actors’ involvement in regional organizations’ mediation process prolonged mediation duration, while modest external actors’ involvement is linked to a relatively shorter mediation duration. The prolonged mediation duration is attributed to factors such as competition among external actors, coordination challenges, lack of timely decision-making, and the initiation of parallel mediations. The implication of the findings contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics between external actors’ involvement and regional organizations’ mediation processes. It highlights the need for effective cooperation of external actors to enhance regional organizations’ mediation efficiency.