This thesis aims to discuss NATO&rsquo / s Partnership for Peace (PfP) program in Central Asia in terms of its role in promoting regional security. It focuses on the evolution of the cooperation between NATO and its Central Asian partners within the framework of the NATO&rsquo / s PfP program, as well as the Alliance&rsquo / s vision of security in Central Asia. The thesis argues that although NATO is active in Central Asia with its PfP programs, its engagement with the Central Asian states is mainly motivated by its own global security priorities rather than promoting regional security cooperation in Central Asia. This thesis comprises four main chapters. After the introduction chapter, the second chapter examines regional security challenges in post-Soviet Central Asia. The third chapter discusses the fundamental characteristics of NATO&rsquo / s PfP program and regional security in Central Asia. The fourth chapter examines NATO&rsquo / s PfP programs in individual Central Asian states by examining the priorities of each state in cooperating with the Alliance. The fifth chapter analyses the relevance of NATO&rsquo / s PfP programs for increasing its involvement in Central Asia since 2001 by taking its global and regional security priorities. The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of this thesis.

This thesis aims at discussing the nature of relations between Russia and China and the Northeast Asian security during the post-Soviet era. The research question is whether Russia and Northeast Asian countries still pursue ideological policies after post-Cold War era. In this respect, the thesis argues that these countries act pragmatically instead of ideologically in the post-Cold War era. This has resulted in a rapprochement between communist China and post-Soviet Russia in the post-Soviet era. Moreover, ideological differences among any regional states do not constitute the basis of regional conflicts. It is rather North Korea&rsquo / s nuclear program that has become the main regional security threat. The thesis is composed of six chapters. After the introductionary chapter, the second chapter examines Russian-Chinese bilateral relations. The following three chapters discuss Russian-Chinese relations concerning the roles of Japan, South Korea and North Korea respectively in the Northeast Asian security. The last chapter is the conclusion.

This thesis aims to contribute to the debates on the Justice and Development Party (JDP) era Turkish foreign policy by putting Turkey into the regional security complex theory and examines changes and continuities of Turkey&rsquo / s traditional cautious, relatively &ldquo / passive&rdquo / role and &ldquo / relative indifference&rdquo / stance towards the Middle East security complex. Hence, the framework of analysis is the regional security complex theory, attributed roles and role changes of Turkey within regional security complexes. This study, with a historical perspective and within the framework of the regional security complex theory, questions continuities and changes in the JDP period Turkish foreign policy, and comes to the conclusion that in the JDP era, Turkey&rsquo / s role is going beyond the insulator state function to the &ldquo / interface logic&rdquo / which adopts a loose form of geographical boundaries.

This thesis seeks to analyze the nature of relations between Armenia and Russia in the 2000s. Contrary to the dominant view that relations between these two countries could be labeled as strategic partnership, this thesis argues that these relations could be characterized as pragmatic cooperation. In fact, both countries having close relations in all fields and refraining from pursuing policies that might harm the other&rsquo / s interests in the 1990s, gave priority to their own national interests in the diplomatic and economic fields in the 2000s, while maintaining close cooperation in the security field. In the 2000s, Russia started to pursue a pragmatic foreign policy by improving its relations with Azerbaijan that has rich oil and natural gas reserves. Likewise, Armenia has also started to pursue a balanced foreign policy by enhancing its cooperation with the Western countries and international organizations in diplomatic and security fields in the same period. Moreover, Armenia also deepened its cooperation with Iran in the energy sector to decrease its energy dependence on Russia. Consequently, both Armenia and Russia have started to pursue pragmatic policies in diplomatic and economic fields to maximize their own national interests while maintaining close cooperation in security field. Therefore, bilateral relations between these two countries started to take more pragmatic character than a strategic partnership.

U.S. led Western Democracies have imposed comprehensive sanctions on the PRC government by ceasing high-level exchanges politically and canceling bilateral cooperative agreements economically in response to the PRC¡¦s 1989 crackdown on Tiananmen Square demonstrators. At that time, former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping brought up a ¡§24 character¡¨ strategy for China¡¦s foreign and security policy: ¡§observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership.¡¨ PRC did not gradually disengage from the U.S. led isolation until the U.S. government resumed high-level exchanges in 1993. The end of the Cold War meant that China was the major beneficiary of greatly reduced superpower penetration, and this strengthened the interregional dynamics of the Northeast and Southeast Asia. After PRC disengaged from diplomatic isolation made by U.S. - led Western Democracies and began to have the power to influence regional security affairs, a China-centered East Asian regional security complex was born. From lack of confidence in constructing in East Asian regional security complex in the mid 1990s, China became active and could rule the RSC after late 1990s. The goal of PRC¡¦s security strategy is to form an anti-U.S.-led East Asia military alliance to protect its national security interest. In the existing regional security complexes, the framework of ASEAN Regional Forum was separated into ¡§ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership¡¨ and ¡§non ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership¡¨ camps in 2003. China established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001 and allowed one of the axis of evil states- Iran to participate in the Organization in 2005. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization will develop into an anti-U.S.-led military alliance under China¡¦s manipulation. In 2003, the U.S. government urged China to play a responsible stakeholder role in the Six-Party Talks instead of being a draft- making secretary. The PRC¡¦s participation in constructing East Asia regional security complexes is analogous to a state that clothed neo-realism but harangued regional security interdependence. On the one hand it reprehends the U.S. East Asia military alliance as an out-of-date cold war thinking. On the other hand, PRC¡¦s military expenditure from 1996 to 2006 shows an annual growth of more than 10 percent. The mutual security in East Asian regional security complexes are still being constructed. China participates in The Six-Party Talks and ASEAN Regional Forum while sometimes it will depend on particular circumstances to make certain contributions, but rules the Shanghai Cooperation Organization with its full strength to keep it operate as China¡¦s political will. The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complexes in East Asia. The thesis focuses on the foreign policies and strategies of PRC¡¦s participation in those security complexes from mid 1990s. Finally, this thesis will to explore what will impact on the East Asian regional security complex when China participates in and try to construct it, and who will construct whom.

Bandymų plėtoti bendradarbiavimą gynybos srityje tarp Šiaurės šalių buvo, tačiau nė viena iniciatyva iki šiol nesusilaukė sėkmės, dažnai vienos iš Šiaurės šalių sprendimas sužlugdydavo bandymus pasiekti bendrus susitarimus gynybos ir saugumo srityje. Pasibaigus Šaltajam karui, atsivėrė galimybės naujiems gynybos projektams. Tačiau Šiaurės šalių gynybos identitetai, formavęsi nuo Antrojo pasaulinio karo pabaigos, liko tokie patys. Dėl to naujos iniciatyvos Šiaurės šalyse dėl Jungtinės Šiaurės šalių federacijos reikėjo laukti 20 metų ir vis dėlto nėra aišku, ar ji bus sėkminga, nes bendradarbiavimo gynybos srityje plėtojimo sėkmė priklauso ne tik nuo šalių interesų, tikslų, grėsmių saugumo srityje sutapimo, bet ir jų gynybos identitetų suderinamumo. Šio darbo tyrimo objektas yra Šiaurės šalių (Danijos, Islandijos, Norvegijos, Suomijos ir Švedijos) bendri gynybos identitetų elementai ir galimybė jiems artėti. Darbo tikslas – išskirti Šiaurės šalių gynybos identitetams būdingus bruožus. Kad būtų pasiektas darbo tikslas, išsikelti šie uždaviniai: remiantis konstruktyvistine tarptautinių santykių teorija apibrėžti gynybos identiteto sąvoką, išskirti esminius jos elementus, bei tyrimo analizės kintamuosius; išskirti ir išnagrinėti Šiaurės šalių gynybos identitetų esminius kintamuosius; išanalizuoti Šiaurės šalių gynybos identitetų panašumus bei skirtumus, įvertinti palankumą bendradarbiavimo gynybos srityje plėtrai ir galimybę konstruoti kolektyvinį Šiaurės šalių gynybos identitetą... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / There were attempts to develop the defence cooperation between the Nordic states often were interrupted by one or two of the Nordic states. The end of the Cold War opened up opportunities for new defence projects. But the Nordic defence identities which were shaped since the Second World War, remained the same. Therefore, Nordic states had to wait for 20 years for the new common defence cooperation initiative to emerge. Still it is not clear whether it will be successful, because the success of cooperation in the field of defence development depends not only on the overlap of parties’ interests, objectives, threats, security, but also on the compatibility of their defence identities compatibility. The object of this paper is the common elements of defence identities of the Nordic states, and the possibility for them to ally. The aim of this paper aim is to distinguish the characteristic features of defence identities of the Nordic states. To achieve the aim the following goals are settled: to define the concept of the defence identity, highlight its essential elements and analytical variables on the basis of constructivist theory of international relations; to single out and examine the essential variables of the defence identities of he Nordic states; to analyze the similarities and differences between defence identities of the Nordic states, to assess the favor on the development of cooperation in the field of defence, and the possibility to construct a collective Nordic... [to full text]

This thesis analyses the developments in the South Caucasus region since the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The disintegration brought about the decleration of independence from teh states in the region, namely Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia. However, the conflicts in the aftermath of independence drawing the region into instability brought about the question of whether the instability in the region is an end result of teh policies of regional actors in the region. Whether teh stability in the South Caucasus is directly bound to teh constructive policies of the main actors? Whether actors act as stability providers or instability exploiters in the region? Are the actors especially since 9/11 Russia and the United States while expressing intentions on regional stability, with their differing interests acts as instability exploiters? In fact, these questions stems from the dilemma of discourse and commitment.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complex in Central Asia. The thesis focuses on the changes in the roles that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) plays in promoting regional security in Central Asia, especially since the formation of the international coalition against international terrorism in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001. Contrary to the mainstream literature that focuses mainly on the security concerns of either regional powers or of great powers that considered this region as their own sphere of influence, this thesis argues that Central Asia&rsquo / s security issues that emerged in the aftermath of 9/11 could be explained better by taking the emerging regional security complex in Central Asia as the main unit of analysis. The thesis consists of seven chapters: In Chapter 1, thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 develops a conceptual framework for the thesis by examining the nature of regional security complex theory. This is followed by the examination of the characteristics of regional security complex in Central Asia in Chapter 3. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the foreign policies of the United States, Russia and China towards Central Asia. Chapters 5 and 6 examine the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, its role in the struggle against international terrorism and their reflections on the changes of the characteristics of Central Asian regional security complex. Last chapter concludes the thesis.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2009-04-28Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:47:26Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 aguilar_slc_dr_assis_parcial.pdf: 63758 bytes, checksum: 0cf6d488a8b8a55412979a80f6509c27 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2015-06-25T13:00:51Z: aguilar_slc_dr_assis_parcial.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2015-06-25T13:03:16Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000596610_20160430.pdf: 55601 bytes, checksum: 07cde3fd20455858a35e08006f3dccb2 (MD5) Bitstreams deleted on 2016-05-04T13:08:33Z: 000596610_20160430.pdf,. Added 1 bitstream(s) on 2016-05-04T13:09:35Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 000596610.pdf: 1152118 bytes, checksum: 130c2a22e3dee2ff1ad443bab84aa38e (MD5) / A tese apresenta as relações militares que se estabeleceram entre os Estados do Cone Sul (Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Paraguai e Uruguai) a partir da década de 1960 com o objetivo de analisar a construção da cooperação no campo da segurança. A análise foi balizada pelos entendimentos que essas relações foram ditadas pelos interesses internos de cada Estado; que a busca pela consecução desses objetivos sofreu a influência de fatores externos (mundial, regional e sub-regional), resultando em períodos de inimizade/amizade, cordialidade/rivalidade, conflito/cooperação; e que o processo de segurança se deu por interações (públicas e privadas, civis e militares) que permitiram alterações nas percepções de ameaças e, por conseguinte, nas práticas de segurança e defesa. Priorizando a representação documental da história e a empiria sobre a teoria e entendendo que a dinâmica de segurança faz com que haja uma interconexão por meio da qual a estabilidade global influencia na estabilidade regional e vice-versa, a análise englobou o sistema internacional, as organizações internacionais, os interesses dos Estados Unidos (EUA) e sua influência nos arranjos regionais de segurança; e os relacionamentos bilaterais e multilaterais dos Estados e os fatores internos que influenciaram o processo. Durante a Guerra Fria, os regimes militares, a estruturação do aparato de defesa dos Estados do Cone Sul e as relações que se estabeleceram entre eles relacionaram-se aos interesses de segurança dos EUA e a concepções geopolíticas próprias. Nesse período, alguns fatores conduziram a momentos de divergências ou rivalidade ao mesmo tempo em que sua lógica permitiu relações amistosas em decorrência da necessidade de preservação dos regimes e da própria segurança continental. Com o reordenamento do sistema pós-Guerra Fria, as tendências regionalistas, as ações das organizações internacionais, os processos de redemocratização e as alterações dos interesses de segurança dos EUA conduziram a relações baseadas na cooperação com o desenvolvimento das chamadas medidas de confiança mútua, a aceitação do conceito multidimensional de segurança e a novos arranjos de cooperação sub-regionais. Nesse quadro, os mecanismos criados entre os Estados do Cone Sul, especialmente no período pós-Guerra Fria, permitiram a configuração de uma rede de cooperação em segurança na sub-região. / The thesis shows the military relations that were established between the states of the Southern Cone (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay) from the 1960s, aiming at analyzing the construction of cooperation in the field of security. The analysis was marked by the understandings that these relations were dictated by the internal interests of each state, the quest for achieving those goals has suffered the influence of external factors (global, regional and sub regional) resulting in periods of enmity/friendship, cordiality/rivalry, conflict/ cooperation, and that the security process was made by interactions (public, private, civil and military) that allowed changes in perceptions of threats and, therefore, in the security and defense practices. Prioritizing the documentary representation of history and empirism above the theory and comprehending that the dynamics of security means that there is an interconnection through which global stability influences on regional stability and vice versa, the analysis included the international system, international organizations, the U.S. interests and their influence on regional security arrangements; and the states’ bilateral and multilateral relations, and internal factors that influenced the process. During the Cold War, the military regimes, the structuring of the apparatus for the Southern Cone’s protection and the relationships established between them related to the security interests of the U.S. and geopolitical designs. In this period, some factors led to moments of disagreements and rivalry, in the same time that your logic allowed friendly relations due to the need for preservation of the military regimes and the continental security. The system redevelopment in the post-Cold War, regionalists trends, the international organizations actions, the redemocratization processes and changes in U.S. security interests have led to relations based on cooperation with the development of so-called confidence building measures, the acceptance of the multidimensional security concept and to new sub-regional cooperation arrangements. In this framework, the mechanisms established by the Southern Cone’s states, especially in the post-Cold War, allowed the setup of network cooperation’s security in the sub-region.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第22024号 / 法博第236号 / 新制||法||166(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 中西 寛, 教授 鈴木 基史, 教授 島田 幸典 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM