U.S. led Western Democracies have imposed comprehensive sanctions on the PRC government by ceasing high-level exchanges politically and canceling bilateral cooperative agreements economically in response to the PRC¡¦s 1989 crackdown on Tiananmen Square demonstrators. At that time, former paramount leader Deng Xiaoping brought up a ¡§24 character¡¨ strategy for China¡¦s foreign and security policy: ¡§observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership.¡¨ PRC did not gradually disengage from the U.S. led isolation until the U.S. government resumed high-level exchanges in 1993. The end of the Cold War meant that China was the major beneficiary of greatly reduced superpower penetration, and this strengthened the interregional dynamics of the Northeast and Southeast Asia. After PRC disengaged from diplomatic isolation made by U.S. - led Western Democracies and began to have the power to influence regional security affairs, a China-centered East Asian regional security complex was born. From lack of confidence in constructing in East Asian regional security complex in the mid 1990s, China became active and could rule the RSC after late 1990s. The goal of PRC¡¦s security strategy is to form an anti-U.S.-led East Asia military alliance to protect its national security interest. In the existing regional security complexes, the framework of ASEAN Regional Forum was separated into ¡§ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership¡¨ and ¡§non ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership¡¨ camps in 2003. China established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001 and allowed one of the axis of evil states- Iran to participate in the Organization in 2005. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization will develop into an anti-U.S.-led military alliance under China¡¦s manipulation. In 2003, the U.S. government urged China to play a responsible stakeholder role in the Six-Party Talks instead of being a draft- making secretary. The PRC¡¦s participation in constructing East Asia regional security complexes is analogous to a state that clothed neo-realism but harangued regional security interdependence. On the one hand it reprehends the U.S. East Asia military alliance as an out-of-date cold war thinking. On the other hand, PRC¡¦s military expenditure from 1996 to 2006 shows an annual growth of more than 10 percent. The mutual security in East Asian regional security complexes are still being constructed. China participates in The Six-Party Talks and ASEAN Regional Forum while sometimes it will depend on particular circumstances to make certain contributions, but rules the Shanghai Cooperation Organization with its full strength to keep it operate as China¡¦s political will. The aim of this thesis is to examine the changing characteristics of the regional security complexes in East Asia. The thesis focuses on the foreign policies and strategies of PRC¡¦s participation in those security complexes from mid 1990s. Finally, this thesis will to explore what will impact on the East Asian regional security complex when China participates in and try to construct it, and who will construct whom.

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ble agreement did not exist due to the involved parties' irreconcilable positions. Two hypoth- eses addressing factors that are exogenous to the negotiations such as the parties' underlying negotiators' pursuits within the Six

冷戰結束後，朝鮮半島依舊是東北亞區域勢力的交會點，區內相關國家始終沒有放棄在該區的利益。在2002年北韓核武危機嚴重影響東北亞的和平與穩定。中國從中協調舉辦了「三方會談」及六輪「六方會談」，與東北亞相關國家尋求和平解決對安全的憂慮，令北韓放棄核武計劃。在會談中，中國所扮演的關鍵角色令人關注。 本論文透過回顧中國在六方會談與北韓核武危機中扮演的角色，探討中國的戰略和分析其他參與國對中國的評估。隨著中國國力的相對崛起，中國在北韓核武危機與六方會談中發揮了至關重要的影響力。中國的東北亞政策採用現實主義的路線，維護北韓政權的存續，亦同時保障中國的安全利益﹔藉由主導六方會談去穩固區域現狀，以強化區域領導者角色，符合其最大的國家利益。 / After the Cold War, the conflicts on the Korean Peninsula still remain unsolvable over half century, the related countries have not given up its interests in the Northeast Asia region. In 2002, North Korea nuclear crisis has brought up the serious security concern to the Northeast Asia. China has organized "Trilateral Talks" and "Six-Party Talks", hoping to find a peaceful solution through mediation. China had played a key role in the Talks. This paper aims to explore and analyze the role and strategies of China in Six-Party Talks. China, as host of the Six-Party alks, played a vital role and had been engaged in more active diplomacy to defuse this crisis, leading its growing influence in the Northeast Asia. China has the potential both to guarantee North Korea's security, and to impose and enforce a denuclearization agreement. The role of China in the Six-Party Talk is to eliminate the North Korea nuclear capability, stable the status quo in the Korean Peninsula and strengthen its influence in the Northeast Asia region.

The thesis introduces the Juche ideology and examines its impact on the North Korean regime. The main objective is to evaluate the role of the DPRK in the system of international relations, with regard to the Juche ideology. Due to the fact that in the DPRK and the mutual relations with other countries, it is very difficult to find a direct link with the ideas of proclaimed ideology, the main characteristics for a given pair of countries is emphasised. Mutual relations with five countries, which are articipating in the six-party talks with DPRK(the disarmament process is discussed in a separate section of thesis) are commented on. The role of the European Union is mentioned, because in the future, the EU could happen for several reasons, an important partner for the DPRK.

The thesis deals with the Six-Party Talks on North Korean nuclear program between the U.S., the People's Republic of China, the Russian Federation, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In the first part the theoretical bases -- multilateralism and the non-proliferation regime - are presented. In the second part the situation in North Korea is being analyzed with respect to the political regime of the country and to its nuclear program. In the last part the most important diplomatic initiatives aimed at dismantling North Korean nuclear sites are being presented with emphasis being put on the Six-Party Talks. In the conclusion of the thesis a change of the approach towards North Korea is proposed with regard to the change of the priorities that could lead to more successful diplomatic negotiations in the future.

This Master thesis deals with the Sino-American cooperation during the Six-Party Talks between 2003 and 2009 and it aims to analyze both the main interests and objectives, with which the US and China came in the negotiations, and the problematic issues between the US and China, most critically complicating a progress in the negotiations. Although both countries cordially declared common interest in denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, their real order of priorities within the Talks greatly differed. Contrary to the United States, China prioritized stability of the region to its denuclearization and was trying very hard to moderate the harsh US approach towards the DPRK's nuclear activities. In this way, it was, however, practically impossible to effectively force the North to abandon its nuclear program, which was something unconditionally demanded by the United States. What is more, the long-lasting political and strategic alliance between Beijing and Pyongyang considerably complicated the problem. In consequence, any statements or resolutions, which were adopted during the Talks, lacked sufficient strength and did not force North Korea to start dismantlement of its nuclear program. Thus, the US-China cooperation was not very fruitful. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the...

在2002年朝核危機引發後，中共居中折衝尊俎，舉辦「三方會談」及數輪「六方會談」，使朝核危機相關諸國得以齊聚北京協商處理朝核問題，揭開朝鮮半島歷史之新頁。中共雖非當事國，然涉入與影響之程度均較前次危機為深，其政策及角色皆有研究之必要。「新安全觀」提出迄今已近十年，做為中共國際關係的「理論」，直接指導其外交政策，其意涵著重於與冷戰思維的差異，以「互信、互利、平等、協作」及對「非傳統安全」的關照為其理論核心，在實踐上則以多邊安全合作為最要，而近歲於朝鮮半島發展之多邊安全合作正為「六方會談」。是故，本論文冀望能從「新安全觀」意涵在「六方會談」的實踐與挑戰，探析中共朝鮮半島政策之走向。主要的研究目的包括：（一）詮釋中共「新安全觀」的動機與意涵；（二）具體呈現中共與各國在朝核問題的立場及互動作為；（三）評估「新安全觀」在「六方會談」中的實踐與挑戰，並分析其朝鮮半島政策取向。 / 「新安全觀」在「六方會談」中體現於以下幾項作為：（一）穿梭籌辦歷輪會談；（二）戮力於會談制度化；（三）保障參與各方權益。然而，「新安全觀」同時也面臨許多挑戰，最值得關切者有冷戰時期所遺留下來的軍事同盟、朝核危機當事兩國的立場分歧、「中國威脅論」的陰影等。大體上，中共對於朝核問題的政策立場有三：（一）朝鮮半島非核化；（二）區域的和平與穩定；（三）以外交談判解決。此外，還強調在解決朝核問題的同時，必須照顧到北韓的生存利益，而為因應諸多挑戰，中共的朝鮮半島政策可能將朝以下方向發展：（一）擴大多邊安全合作；（二）鞏固大國共同利益；（三）強化南韓合作關係；（四）引導北韓經濟改革。因此，就現階段政策取向而言，中共應會並用多邊與雙邊外交途徑，在朝鮮半島持續勸和促談，扮演多重建設性角色，而「新安全觀」若要被徹底落實，將取決於中共的國家利益能否持續與「新安全觀」所訴諸的理念相結合。 / This study anticipates exploring the trend of the Korean Peninsula Policy of China by understanding the implementation and challenge of New Security Concept (NSC) in the Six-Party Talks. The main research goal includes: to interpret the motivation and meaning of NSC, to present China’s position and behavior with other nations in terms of 2002 North Korea nuclear issue, and to evaluate the practice and challenge of NSC in Six-Party Talks. In the past rounds, NSC has been embodied in holding meetings, endeavoring to institutionalize, and ensuring the right and interest of all participants. Even so, NSC has been confronted some challenge in the meantime; embracing the military alliances remained from the cold war era, the gap between North Korea and United States, and so-called “China Threat.” / Briefly speaking, China has three positions in 2002 North Korea Nuclear Crisis: Denuclearization, peace and stability, and solutions through the negotiation in Korean Peninsula. China also emphasizes that every decision dealing with the crisis should be given consideration to North Korea’s interest. It is highly likely to blossom into what follows for the sake of replying these challenges: To extend multilateral corporation, to consolidate the common interest with other powers, to strengthen the relation with South Korea, and to guide North Korea to reform its economy. Therefore, China might use multilateral and bilateral approach simultaneously; continue to mediate and to play a multiple role in the constructive way. The further implementation of NSC depends on the extent of combining with China’s national interest and the ideal of NSC.

北韓自1950年代起逐步建立其核武實力，形成對國際社會的嚴重威脅，基於其政權生存與經濟的需要，動輒以核武要脅國際社會換取能源、糧食援助及安全保障。1994年第一次北韓核武危機結束後，由於美國與北韓後續未確實履行核框架協議，從2002年10月北韓承認恢復其核計畫、美國開始停止對北韓供應重油起，北韓動作頻頻，除自2003年1月10日起宣佈退出禁止核子武器擴散條約外，更積極發展核武抗衡美國與國際社會，對相關國家的安全造成莫大影響，並期望藉此獲得所需的政治利益與經濟援助。北韓的行為引起國際關注，視之為第二次北韓核武危機。中共、南韓、日本、俄羅斯及美國對此均投以高度關注，努力謀求解決之道，而中共更是此次核武危機演變與發展的關鍵斡旋角色。 第二次北韓核武危機發生以來，中共對核武問題的解決發生了建設性的作用，各輪會談能夠持續運作，中共以穿梭外交遊走於各國功不可沒，其角色重要而多樣，儼然成為斡旋者、調停者、領導者、防衛者、緩衝器、利益攸關者、平衡者、機制建議者，若依北韓核武危機往良性發展的端倪來看，未來中共更可能兼具經濟支援者、安全保障者和制度監督者的角色。此次的核武危機為中共大國外交提供難得的歷史機運，藉由複雜的危機解決過程，緩和了危機的緊張態勢，更藉由與各國間的互動與合作，獲得實質外交進展，提高了中共的國際影響力，同時這樣的作為也是符合各方利益的最佳選擇。 本文主要包含兩大方向：首先探討第二次北韓核武危機的背景與判斷北韓發展核武的動機，繼之簡述兩次核武危機始末；接著統整自三邊會談、六方會談召開以來之情勢發展及與會各國互動形成的共識共決，分析中共居中的角色與其國家利益之間的關聯性，並研判該議題未來走向。 / Since 1950s North Korea has gradually built up its nuclear weapon capabilities, forming a serious threat to international community. Based on the need of regime survival and economy, North Korea frequently uses nuclear weapons in threatening international community for exchanges of energy, food aid and security assurances. After the end of the First North Korea Nuclear Crisis in 1994, US and North Korea did not actually carry out the Agreed Framework, North Korea confessed to restart its nuclear program in October 2002 while US suspended supplying heavy fuel oil to North Korea. In addition to its withdrawal from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, North Korea also actively develops nuclear weapons to contend with the US and international community, bringing about huge impacts on the security of relative countries, hoping to exchange for more political benefit and economic assistance. The behavior of North Korea has raised international attention, regarding it as the Second North Korea Nuclear Crisis. China, South Korea, Japan, Russia and the US all pay high attention and work hard to seek for solutions to the crisis. China has played a key role in the evolution and development of the Second North Korea Nuclear Crisis. Since the inception of the 2nd North Korea Nuclear Crisis, China has turned out to be constructively pivotal in solving nuclear weapon problems. The fact that six rounds of talks can take place continuously go to China’s credit, which pursues shuttle diplomacy to coordinate the activities of the other six-party talks participators, playing roles that are important yet various, apparently becoming a mediator, good officer, host, defender, buffer, stakeholder, balancer, mechanism keeper, and, in viewing from the point that North Korea Nuclear Crisis has been developed toward a more positive direction, China will more than likely take key role as economic supporter, security guarantor and mechanism supervisor. This nuclear crisis provides China a rare historical opportunity of big-power diplomacy. Through complex crisis solving process to détente intense situation and the interaction and cooperation among Northeast Asian nations to obtain actual diplomatic progress, the influence of China has soared while such action is the best choice in complying with relative nation’s interests. The study mainly include two directions: At first the background of the Second North Korea Nuclear Crisis be reviewed and the motive of North Korea in developing nuclear weapon be determined. Then how the two nuclear crises began and ended are briefly stated, followed by integration of situation development since the Three-party talks, Six-party talks and the common agreement formed among participating nations. The role of China and relations to its interest is analyzed and thus the future direction of the issues is also carefully studied.

2002年元月，美國小布希總統宣稱北韓與伊拉克、伊朗，同屬「邪惡軸心」（Axis of Evil）國家，這些國家均係美國列入防止核武擴散之對象，於是北韓與美國關係旋墜落谷底，北韓之鬥爭策略是先昇溫，復加壓，然後迫使美國讓步；北韓復於2006年10月9日，正式對外宣布成功進行地下核武試驗，此舉無疑對東亞及國際安全均帶來衝擊。台灣基於同為亞太國家成員之一，應該理解北韓核武危機所牽動東北亞安全環境變化，以及美國、日本、中國及俄羅斯等國家多邊體系關係，倘北韓核武危機未能圓滿解決，擁核後之北韓除易成為東北亞潛伏威脅外，將引起日本加速武裝。北韓除製造核武問題外，北韓經濟困頓、民不聊生，朝鮮勞動黨為維繫獨裁政權統治，大肆販售飛彈等軍火牟取利益，甚至遭控訴涉及國際間多起販毒、製造假煙及偽造美鈔事件，而台灣位居東亞海空交通樞紐，台灣海峽為北韓船隻往來必經之路，因而有必要瞭解北韓政軍經現況，深入剖析北韓對於國際間衍生種種安全問題，訂定因應措施，以確保國家安全。 由於台灣外交情勢嚴峻，往往無法參與區域性國際組織，北韓乃伺機對台洽購精密儀器或刺探高科技產業技術，使得台灣容易成為北韓覬覦獲得國際管制性物品漏洞，本論文試圖探究並思索如何防止北韓向台灣採購可供軍事用途之精密儀器等用品，或可供生產提昇國防武器裝備之科技機器流向北韓，並配合國際反恐措施予以列管，這樣不僅符合國際利益，而且可以提昇台灣國際形象與國家地位；況且台灣亦有必要隨時瞭解國際上及美、歐等先進國家之最新出口管制措施，從而監督台灣廠商禁止將進口之高科技戰略性物品與生產之精密工具機，輾轉出口至管制地區（包括：伊朗、伊拉克、利比亞、北韓、中國、古巴、蘇丹等國），並配合國際防止擴散組織，共同防止大規模毀滅性武器擴散，形成全球安全之出口管制制度。 / In January 2002, President George W. Bush declared North Korea, Iraq, and Iran as an “axis of evil”. These countries are regarded as subject to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons by the U.S. As a result, the relationship between North Korea and the U.S. has deteriorated. North Korea has attempted to gradually increase pressure to force the U.S. to concede; on October 9, 2006, North Korea officially announced the success of its secret nuclear weapon test, which undoubtedly made a tremendous impact on security in East Asia and the world. As a member of the Asia Pacific Region, Taiwan should understand how security in Northeast Asia changes due to the fact that North Korea is now a country with nuclear weapons. Taiwan should also be aware of the multilateral relations between the U.S., Japan, China, and Russia. Without a satisfactory solution to the threat of North Korean nuclear weapons, Japan may accelerate its military build-up in response to this lurking danger in Northeast Asia. Besides the nuclear weapon issue, North Korea has a poor economy and starving people. The Korean Workers’ Party has been accused of being involved in arms sale (such as missiles), international drug smuggling, counterfeit tobacco products, and counterfeit U.S. banknotes in order to maintain its dictatorship. As Taiwan’s geographic position is vital in the air and sea transport in East Asia, it is imperative for Taiwan to understand North Korea’s politics, armed forces, and economy. Taiwan must analyze and understand international security issues related to North Korea and map out corresponding actions so as to ensure national security. Due to its difficult diplomatic situation, Taiwan is unable to join many regional organizations. Therefore, North Korea takes this opportunity to purchase precision devices or pry into high technology from Taiwan. This makes Taiwan prone to become a legal loophole of which North Korea can take advantage to obtain international control items. This study investigates the ways for Taiwan to prevent North Korea from purchasing precision devices for military use or high-tech machinery that can improve defense weapons. In addition, the study also discusses how Taiwan can have better export control against North Korea by conforming to international anti-terror measures. To follow international principles is not only in line with global interests, but can also improve Taiwan’s international image and status. Therefore, Taiwan must keep itself updated of the latest export control measures implemented by the U.S., Europe, and other advanced countries. By doing so, Taiwan government can also prevent corporations in Taiwan from re-exporting strategic high-tech commodities and related production machinery to controlled territories, such as Iran, Iraq, Libya, North Korea, China, Cuba, and Sudan. With cooperation with international non-proliferation organizations, proliferation of WMDs can be stopped and a comprehensive export control network can be formed to maintain global security.