<p>Uppsatsen har syftat till att belysa Sveriges närområde ur ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv och samtidigt finna faktorer som påverkat Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval. Vidare ämnade uppsatsen att förklara, det vill säga hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför den säkerhetspolitiska miljön i Sveriges närområde ser ut som den gör. Då uppsatsen är att se som teorikonsumerande har svaren sökts genom vald teori som utgår från en regional säkerhetspolitisk analys. Vidare har även ansatser gjort ur Nils Andréns säkerhetspolitiska struktur. De teoretiska ansatserna har sedan använts som analysmodell där fyra nivåer har applicerats på empirin. Dessa har sedan använts för att förklara Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval under två olika epoker. Uppsatsen har dessutom besvarat vilken roll ett nordiskt försvars och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete får för stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde.</p><p>Svaren till Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval går att finna på nationell, regional och global nivå. Sedan kalla krigets slut har de säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningarna förändrats drastiskt vilket i sin tur medfört till en omprövning av säkerhetspolitiken. Idag har Sverige betydligt större rörlighet då två supermakter inte längre involverar sig i jordens alla hörn. Av den anledningen har Sverige idag involverat sig i säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete som inryms under EU, Nato och även det nordiska samarbetet. Sammantaget går det att konstatera att det nordiska samarbetet är en viktig komponent till stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde och får dessutom ekonomiska och operativa fördelar, då försvaret blir en allt mindre prioriterad verksamhet.</p> / <p>This project aims to illuminate the surroundings of Sweden trough a security policy perspective and thereby find factors which have had an impact on Sweden. Further on the intention is also to explain the immediate surroundings of Sweden in terms of security and find causes to why it looks like it does. This essay has found its answer trough a theory which uses a regional security perspective. The purpose of this essay has also been to describe the foundations of security policy, which has been done trough the security policy structure made by the author Nils Andrén. Furthermore the theory has been applied to the fact presented in the essay.</p><p> The regional security theory has developed an analyze model with four levels, which is brought in to this paper. There has also been a purpose to find out how the Nordic defence co-operation can be used in a sense to maintain a stabilized environment in the surroundings of Sweden. The answer to the first question is to be found in three different levels, domestic, regional and global. There are always an interaction between these levels, whereby there are different answers to been sought. Since the days after the cold war the security policy conditions have changed rapidly which have made an impact on the Swedish security policy. Today we can se a considerable moveability in the European region. This is a gist of a new world order, when we don’t expect two superpowers intruding in every corner and by that reason Sweden are now involved in several military co-operation. Finaly it can be said that this essay have made the conclusion that a Nordic co-operation is vital for the stability in the region of north Europe.</p>

Uppsatsen har syftat till att belysa Sveriges närområde ur ett säkerhetspolitiskt perspektiv och samtidigt finna faktorer som påverkat Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval. Vidare ämnade uppsatsen att förklara, det vill säga hitta orsaksförklaringar till varför den säkerhetspolitiska miljön i Sveriges närområde ser ut som den gör. Då uppsatsen är att se som teorikonsumerande har svaren sökts genom vald teori som utgår från en regional säkerhetspolitisk analys. Vidare har även ansatser gjort ur Nils Andréns säkerhetspolitiska struktur. De teoretiska ansatserna har sedan använts som analysmodell där fyra nivåer har applicerats på empirin. Dessa har sedan använts för att förklara Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval under två olika epoker. Uppsatsen har dessutom besvarat vilken roll ett nordiskt försvars och säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete får för stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde. Svaren till Sveriges säkerhetspolitiska rollval går att finna på nationell, regional och global nivå. Sedan kalla krigets slut har de säkerhetspolitiska förutsättningarna förändrats drastiskt vilket i sin tur medfört till en omprövning av säkerhetspolitiken. Idag har Sverige betydligt större rörlighet då två supermakter inte längre involverar sig i jordens alla hörn. Av den anledningen har Sverige idag involverat sig i säkerhetspolitiskt samarbete som inryms under EU, Nato och även det nordiska samarbetet. Sammantaget går det att konstatera att det nordiska samarbetet är en viktig komponent till stabiliteten i Sveriges närområde och får dessutom ekonomiska och operativa fördelar, då försvaret blir en allt mindre prioriterad verksamhet. / This project aims to illuminate the surroundings of Sweden trough a security policy perspective and thereby find factors which have had an impact on Sweden. Further on the intention is also to explain the immediate surroundings of Sweden in terms of security and find causes to why it looks like it does. This essay has found its answer trough a theory which uses a regional security perspective. The purpose of this essay has also been to describe the foundations of security policy, which has been done trough the security policy structure made by the author Nils Andrén. Furthermore the theory has been applied to the fact presented in the essay.  The regional security theory has developed an analyze model with four levels, which is brought in to this paper. There has also been a purpose to find out how the Nordic defence co-operation can be used in a sense to maintain a stabilized environment in the surroundings of Sweden. The answer to the first question is to be found in three different levels, domestic, regional and global. There are always an interaction between these levels, whereby there are different answers to been sought. Since the days after the cold war the security policy conditions have changed rapidly which have made an impact on the Swedish security policy. Today we can se a considerable moveability in the European region. This is a gist of a new world order, when we don’t expect two superpowers intruding in every corner and by that reason Sweden are now involved in several military co-operation. Finaly it can be said that this essay have made the conclusion that a Nordic co-operation is vital for the stability in the region of north Europe.

China’s military modernization has allowed it to take a more assertive position on the territorial disputes it currently has with Japan and its Southeast Asian neighbors. The South China Sea (SCS) dispute is a clear example. Meanwhile, Japan is normalizing its military status to play a more proactive security role in the region. Japan’s normalization process has been greatly influenced by China’s growing military capabilities as it fears that China could pose a threat to its sea lanes of communications. Although Japan does not have territorial claims in the SCS, it regards the SCS as a strategically vital area. It is this particular concern that has brought Japan into the current territorial disputes in the SCS. This thesis analyzes how Japan has tried to forge partnerships with Southeast Asian countries in the form of foreign aid and the provision of military equipment and training that can potentially offset China’s assertiveness.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-15T18:29:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra.pdf: 899469 bytes, checksum: 5571c8139bcd48736cafd6a9ccc83188 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-15T18:29:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra.pdf: 899469 bytes, checksum: 5571c8139bcd48736cafd6a9ccc83188 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-07 / CAPES / This study analyzes how the issue of drug trafficking is incorporated into the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) agenda. The analysis is based on the theoretical framework presented by the Copenhagen School of security studies, specifically Regional Security Complex Theory and (se) Securitization Theory (BUZAN et al, 1998). Thus, there are the following main arguments: South America Regional Security Complex has been going through a period of transition, emerging from a schema without centrality of power to a model centered on a regional power, Brazil; and UNASUR, through three thematic councils (the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency), initiated the process of desecuritization of drug trafficking at the regional level. Importantly, the analysis developed in this work is related to the normative framework of UNASUR, since it is a young organization and it is still under construction. Nevertheless, even in the absence of empirical material to harmonize policies and practices, we reaffirm the value of examining the normative level of any international organization. Initially, we conducted a detailed analysis of the ideas of the Copenhagen School, nearing its premises to the South American reality, however, without neglecting its analytical limitations. Regarding the issue of drug trafficking, we drew up an overview of its process of securitization during the Cold War, as well as the detailing of the international drug control regime, indicating the main implementers and supporters of drug policy in the international system. Also, we tried to present the South American reality regarding the drug trafficking, drawing a parallel between the U.S. policy, major external player, and the impact on the management of the issue in South America. In sequence, we analyzed the normative arrangement of UNASUR regarding the theme, highlighting the work performed by the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency. Finally, we presented a parallel between intentions and normative of UNASUR and the actions and guidelines of the U.S. drug policy perpetrated during the last 50 years in the region. The Union of South American Nations, therefore, has advanced in discussing the problem of drug trafficking in the region, seeking to expand the approach to the topic while presenting itself as an alternative to the U.S. militaristic model. Thus, we observe that the continuity and consolidation of policies designed by UNASUR may lead to the formation of a South American regime for the global drug problem, which may be more comprehensive and may achieve better results for regional security. / A presente dissertação analisa como a problemática do narcotráfico é incorporada à agenda da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul). A análise desenvolvida fundamenta-se no arcabouço teórico apresentado pela Escola de Copenhague, mais especificamente a Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança e a Teoria da (de) Securitização (BUZAN et al, 1998). Dessa forma, têm-se os seguintes argumentos centrais: o Complexo Regional de Segurança da América do Sul passa por um momento de transição, saindo de um esquema sem centralidade de poder para um modelo centrado em uma potência regional, o Brasil; e a Unasul, por meio de três conselhos temáticos (Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, Conselho Sul-Americano Sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Delinquência Transnacional Organizada), iniciou o processo de desecuritização da problemática do tráfico de drogas em nível regional. É importante destacar que a análise desenvolvida nesta dissertação recaiu no âmbito normativo da Unasul, visto que se trata de uma organização jovem e ainda em construção. Entretanto, mesmo na ausência de material empírico que harmonize diretrizes e práticas, reafirma-se o valor do exame do nível normativo de qualquer organização internacional. Inicialmente, conduziu-se uma profunda análise das ideias da Escola de Copenhague, aproximando suas premissas da realidade sul-americana, no entanto, sem negligenciar suas limitações analíticas. No tocante à temática do narcotráfico, traçou-se um panorama do processo de securitização da problemática durante a Guerra Fria, bem como o detalhamento do regime internacional antidrogas, apontando os principais incentivadores e implementadores da política antidrogas no sistema internacional. Também, buscou-se apresentar a realidade sul-americana quanto ao tema, fazendo um paralelo entre a política estadunidense, grande player externo, e o impacto no gerenciamento da questão na América do Sul. Em seguida, analisou-se o arranjo normativo da União de Nações Sul-Americana com relação à problemática, destacando a atuação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, do Conselho Sul-Americano sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e o Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Deliquência Organizada Transnacional. Por fim, realizou-se um paralelo entre as intenções e normativas da Unasul com as ações e diretrizes da política antidrogas norte-americana perpetrada nos últimos quase 50 anos na região. A União de Nações Sul-Americanas, portanto, tem avançado nas discussões sobre a problemática do narcotráfico na região, buscando ampliar a abordagem do tema ao mesmo tempo em que se apresenta como uma alternativa ao modelo militarista estadunidense. Dessa forma, vislumbra-se que a continuidade e consolidação das políticas pretendidas pela Unasul podem levar a constituição de um regime sul-americano para o problema mundial das drogas, que seja mais integral e que possa obter melhores resultados para a segurança regional.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-03T19:20:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra.pdf: 38679325 bytes, checksum: 88f0e3bf9c14db4acd28916991abc29d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-03T19:20:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra.pdf: 38679325 bytes, checksum: 88f0e3bf9c14db4acd28916991abc29d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-02-07 / CAPES / This study analyzes how the issue of drug trafficking is incorporated into the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) agenda. The analysis is based on the theoretical framework presented by the Copenhagen School of security studies, specifically Regional Security Complex Theory and (se) Securitization Theory (BUZAN et al, 1998). Thus, there are the following main arguments: South America Regional Security Complex has been going through a period of transition, emerging from a schema without centrality of power to a model centered on a regional power, Brazil; and UNASUR, through three thematic councils (the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency), initiated the process of desecuritization of drug trafficking at the regional level. Importantly, the analysis developed in this work is related to the normative framework of UNASUR, since it is a young organization and it is still under construction. Nevertheless, even in the absence of empirical material to harmonize policies and practices, we reaffirm the value of examining the normative level of any international organization. Initially, we conducted a detailed analysis of the ideas of the Copenhagen School, nearing its premises to the South American reality, however, without neglecting its analytical limitations. Regarding the issue of drug trafficking, we drew up an overview of its process of securitization during the Cold War, as well as the detailing of the international drug control regime, indicating the main implementers and supporters of drug policy in the international system. Also, we tried to present the South American reality regarding the drug trafficking, drawing a parallel between the U.S. policy, major external player, and the impact on the management of the issue in South America. In sequence, we analyzed the normative arrangement of UNASUR regarding the theme, highlighting the work performed by the South American Defense Council, the South American Council for the Global Drug Problem and the South American Council on Citizen Security, Justice and Coordination against the Organized Delinquency. Finally, we presented a parallel between intentions and normative of UNASUR and the actions and guidelines of the U.S. drug policy perpetrated during the last 50 years in the region. The Union of South American Nations, therefore, has advanced in discussing the problem of drug trafficking in the region, seeking to expand the approach to the topic while presenting itself as an alternative to the U.S. militaristic model. Thus, we observe that the continuity and consolidation of policies designed by UNASUR may lead to the formation of a South American regime for the global drug problem, which may be more comprehensive and may achieve better results for regional security. / A presente dissertação analisa como a problemática do narcotráfico é incorporada à agenda da União de Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul). A análise desenvolvida fundamenta-se no arcabouço teórico apresentado pela Escola de Copenhague, mais especificamente a Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança e a Teoria da (de) Securitização (BUZAN et al, 1998). Dessa forma, têm-se os seguintes argumentos centrais: o Complexo Regional de Segurança da América do Sul passa por um momento de transição, saindo de um esquema sem centralidade de poder para um modelo centrado em uma potência regional, o Brasil; e a Unasul, por meio de três conselhos temáticos (Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, Conselho Sul-Americano Sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Delinquência Transnacional Organizada), iniciou o processo de desecuritização da problemática do tráfico de drogas em nível regional. É importante destacar que a análise desenvolvida nesta dissertação recaiu no âmbito normativo da Unasul, visto que se trata de uma organização jovem e ainda em construção. Entretanto, mesmo na ausência de material empírico que harmonize diretrizes e práticas, reafirma-se o valor do exame do nível normativo de qualquer organização internacional. Inicialmente, conduziu-se uma profunda análise das ideias da Escola de Copenhague, aproximando suas premissas da realidade sul-americana, no entanto, sem negligenciar suas limitações analíticas. No tocante à temática do narcotráfico, traçou-se um panorama do processo de securitização da problemática durante a Guerra Fria, bem como o detalhamento do regime internacional antidrogas, apontando os principais incentivadores e implementadores da política antidrogas no sistema internacional. Também, buscou-se apresentar a realidade sul-americana quanto ao tema, fazendo um paralelo entre a política estadunidense, grande player externo, e o impacto no gerenciamento da questão na América do Sul. Em seguida, analisou-se o arranjo normativo da União de Nações Sul-Americana com relação à problemática, destacando a atuação do Conselho de Defesa Sul-Americano, do Conselho Sul-Americano sobre o Problema Mundial das Drogas e o Conselho Sul-Americano em Matéria de Segurança Cidadã, Justiça e Coordenação contra a Deliquência Organizada Transnacional. Por fim, realizou-se um paralelo entre as intenções e normativas da Unasul com as ações e diretrizes da política antidrogas norte-americana perpetrada nos últimos quase 50 anos na região. A União de Nações Sul-Americanas, portanto, tem avançado nas discussões sobre a problemática do narcotráfico na região, buscando ampliar a abordagem do tema ao mesmo tempo em que se apresenta como uma alternativa ao modelo militarista estadunidense. Dessa forma, vislumbra-se que a continuidade e consolidação das políticas pretendidas pela Unasul podem levar a constituição de um regime sul-americano para o problema mundial das drogas, que seja mais integral e que possa obter melhores resultados para a segurança regional.

This research set out to develop a deeper theoretical component to the emerging discipline of hydropolitics by studying the political aspects of institutional developments in the water sector. The focal point was the four international river basins that are shared between South Africa and six of its neighbouring states. The study found that while there is a lot of evidence for the securitization of water resource management in South Africa’s international river basins, there are also a number of examples of regimes. The creation of these regimes was driven primarily by threat perceptions relating to state security, mostly during the period of apartheid and the Cold War. These regimes were mostly robust and served as a valuable instrument for the de-escalation of conflict, which was primarily of a high politics nature. Examples of both plus-sum and zero-sum outcomes have been isolated. Plus-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of national self-interest with four examples of this condition. In all four cases the non-hegemonic state benefited from cooperation with South Africa. Zero-sum outcomes arose when the non-hegemonic state chose to view the offer of a regime in terms of ideology with two examples of this condition. In both cases the non-hegemonic state did not benefit and was sidelined to the extent that they became marginalized and worse off than before. In all cases the hegemonic state benefited from the regime. The research consequently showed that a hydropolitical complex is emerging in Southern Africa, clustered around two international river basins, the Orange and Limpopo, which have been defined as pivotal basins. Both of these basins have reached the limit of their readily available water resources and future development is not possible on any great scale. Four of the most economically developed states in Southern Africa (Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe and South Africa) are riparians on these two international river basins, and have been defined as pivotal states. Other less developed countries that share any international river basin with a pivotal state have been defined as an impacted state, because their own development aspirations have been capped through this association. Any international river basin that has at least one of the pivotal states in it has been defined an impacted basin. Finally, this research showed that regimes create a plus-sum outcome in closed international river basins because they reduce the levels of uncertainty and institutionalize the conflict potential. As such regimes are a useful instrument with which to regulate inter-state behavior, leading over time to the development of institutions consisting of rules and procedures. / Thesis (DPhil (International Politics))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

The thesis analyzes the development of the security discourse in Southeast Asia namely on the ground of the ASEAN organization and in its member states. The thesis main aim is to find out whether the region of the ASEAN can be considered as the Regional Security Complex. The theoretical basis of the thesis is drawn from the theoretical concept of the Copenhagen school, specifically on researchers such as, Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, who formulated the theory. The theory applicability is studied through the securitization processes elaborated on the sectoral analysis. On the military, political, economic, environmental and societal sector the thesis strives to analyze the essential securitization and desecuritization processes, attempts to name the main securitization actors, referential objects and confront them with the theory. Based on the elaboration on the current issues connected with the securitization logic the thesis describes the security dynamic in the region. At the end of analysis, the thesis evaluates the current regional setting of the ASEAN as the Regional Security Complex and gives the recommendations for its next developments.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier un cadre général d’interprétation de l’évolution du comportement de la République islamique d’Iran dans sa région, comportement considéré comme la principale problématique internationale de cette dernière décennie. En d’autres termes, les éléments de focalisation de ce travail se situeront principalement au niveau de la région du Golfe, et plus précisément, au niveau de l’interaction existant entre l’Iran et son environnement immédiat. L’idée que sous-tend ce travail est qu’il existe une cohérence dans le cheminement politique et sécuritaire iranien qui se reflète suite à la problématique soulevée par l’intrusion d’un acteur global. Plus précisément, ce travail a pour objet la mise en lumière d’une corrélation forte entre, d’une part, les hypothèses offertes par l’analyse des dimensions sécuritaires, et d'autre part, l’évolution du positionnement iranien dans un système international à la structure singulière. / This thesis deals with the evolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s behavior in its region, this behavior being considered as the main international problem of the last decade. This research will focus on the Gulf Region and more precisely on the interaction existing between Iran and its immediate environment. The idea behind this work is that Iran’s political and safety evolution has been influenced by the issues arising from the intrusion of a global player. More precisely, this work intends to highlight a strong correlation between, on the one hand, theories coming from the analysis of safety aspects and, on the other hand, the evolution of Iran’s positioning within the new structure of the international system.

能源是攸關人類生存的一大課題，它提供熱能、照明和運輸，而且是經濟發展不可或缺的帶動因素。國家的經濟成長需仰賴充足可靠且價格合理的能源供應。對外政策重大議題尤其需要依賴安全可靠且價格合理的能源供應，像是民主、貿易、替代能源發展、消弭貧窮和環保等等相關發展支援計劃。 東北亞是具有高度經濟與政治價值的重要區域。在此區域內約有17億人口以及世界第二、第三大經濟體，不論在政治、經濟和文化上皆有莫大影響力。 俄罗斯是世界上碳酸氫化合物與鈾的主要出口國，也擁有名列前茅的核能發電廠運作技術。中國和日本不論在東北亞與世界都佔有重要地位，且高度依賴能源進口。而俄罗斯鄰近中國和日本，可以快速有效提供石油和天然氣等能源。故而俄罗斯與中日兩國在能源供應合作上顯然具有極高的發展潛力。 掌握能源供應的俄罗斯可以鞏固其東北亞的地位，進而成為該區域的超級強權。 研究目標在於解讀俄罗斯對中日兩國的能源關係以及對東北亞情勢的影響。筆者將採用地緣政治學中的「策略性操縱」理論和「區域安全複合體」的概念作為主要假設，分析俄罗斯與中日兩國能源關係的內容與後續走向，以及對區域情勢所造成的影響。 研究架構如下：第一章是本研究的背景、目標及方法；第二章詳細分析俄罗斯的石油、天然氣與核能燃料蘊藏量、該國的能源策略及其理論上的影響範圍；第三章的焦點為中國的能源需求、能源政策和外交，俄罗斯與中國能源供應合作的內容、發展與問題以及理論方面的評估；第四章探討日本的能源需求、能源政策和外交，俄罗斯與日本能源供應合作的內容、發展與問題以及理論方面的評估；第五章就俄罗斯對中國及對日本的能源關係進行比較分析，以ESPO的建設為例，探討其結果及影響；第六章則是回應研究目標、評估俄罗斯與中日兩國的能源關係，並且對俄罗斯在東北亞的能源政策提出建議。 / Energy is one of the most important factors for the survival of humanity. It provides the fuel of the economy, heat, light and mobility. The country’s economic growth depends on adequate, reliable and affordable supplies of energy. Key foreign policy objectives, including support for democracy, trade, sustainable economic development, poverty reduction and environmental protection rely on the provision of safe, reliable and affordable energy supplies. North East Asia is an important region in terms of its economic and political value. With a population of 1,7 billion people, and containing the world's second and third largest economies, it is a region of enormous political, economic and cultural significance. Russia, a major exporter of hydro carbonates and uranium, is one of the world’s leaders of nuclear plant operating technology. China and Japan are the main actors in NEA and highly depend on the import of energy resources. Moreover, Russia’s close proximity to China and Japan enables a fast and a reliably efficient supply of oil and gas. These attributes highlight and emphasize the excellent opportunities for energy cooperation between these countries. Russia’s strength in this field allows them to fortify their position in NEA as it aspires to become a regional super power. The goal of this research is to study Russian energy relations with China and Japan and how it affects the positions of the country in the region. The author would adopt the main assumptions of the Geopolitics, theory of “Strategic manipulation” and the concept of “Regional Security Complex” to analyze the content and consequences of Russian energy relations with China and Japan and its impact on the situation in the region. The framework of the research is illustrated as follows: chapter one gives the background, goals and methodology of the research; chapter two provides the detailed analysis of Russian oil, natural gas, nuclear power reserves, the country’s energy strategy and its theoretical implications; chapter three focuses on energy demand, energy diplomacy and strategy of China, the content, development, problems of Russo-Chinese energy cooperation and its theoretical evaluation; chapter four focuses on energy demand, energy diplomacy and strategy of Japan, the content, development, problems of Russo-Japanese energy cooperation and its theoretical evaluation; chapter five is devoted to the comparative study of Russian energy relations with China and Japan at the example of ESPO constructing, its results and implications; and chapter six concludes with responses to research goals, evaluation of energy relations between Russia, China and Japan and recommendations for Russian energy policy in North East Asia.

Nesta dissertação são abordados os antecedentes, as realizações, as perspectivas e os desafios para a consolidação do Conselho Sul Americano de Defesa (CSD). O trabalho é um estudo de caso, de natureza descritiva, baseado na Teoria dos Complexos Regionais de Segurança. Com o fim da bipolaridade houve um movimento para a atualização e a ampliação dos estudos de segurança internacional, pois as teorias e métodos vigentes se revelaram inábeis para explicar a nova realidade. Esse movimento também aconteceu na América do Sul. Diante da perda de legitimidade das instituições de defesa e de segurança continentais, como o Tratado Interamericano de Defesa Recíproca (TIAR) e a Junta Interamericana de Defesa (JID); e da progressiva diminuição do engajamento dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) em assuntos de outras regiões, em dezembro de 2008, foi criado o CSD, para tratar dos temas de defesa da região. Durante os seus dois primeiros anos de funcionamento, o CSD logrou diversas realizações como o estabelecimento de um mecanismo de confiança mútua e a criação de um centro de estudos estratégicos em defesa e segurança. Entretanto, a estratégia de se integrar por um mínimo denominador comum pode comprometer o futuro da integração. Para se consolidar o CSD enfrentará diversos desafios. Nesse trabalho são analisados dois deles: o aumento substancial dos gastos em defesa pelos países da região e a relação assimétrica entre os EUA e os países da América do Sul e seus reflexos na integração em defesa. / This dissertation examines the history, achievements, prospects and challenges for the consolidation of South American Defense Council (CSD). This work is a case study, descriptive in nature, based on the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT). With the end of bipolarity it began a movement for the upgrade and expansion of international security studies, because the existing theories and methods have proved inappropriate to explain the new reality. This movement also happened in South America. Due to the loss of legitimacy of the institutions of continental defense and security, as the Rio Treaty and the Inter-American Defense Board (IADB), and the gradual reduction of United States of America (USA) engagement in the affairs of other regions in December 2008 was created the CSD, to deal with defense issues in the region. During its first two years of operation, the CSD has managed several accomplishments such as establishing a mechanism of mutual trust and creating a center of strategic studies in defense and security. However, the strategy to integrate for a minimum common denominator may jeopardize the future of integration. In its consolidation, the CSD will face many challenges. This work analyzes two of them: the substantial increase in defense spending by countries in the region and the asymmetric relationship between the USA and the countries of South America and its impacts on integration in defense.