In 1990, a case came before the Ontario Human Rights Commission involving the collision of a religious rights policy enshrined in the Ontario Human Rights Code 1981 and a Peel Board of Education disciplinary policy prohibiting weapons including the kirpan, a dagger-like article of religious faith worn by baptized Sikhs. Harbhajan Singh Pandori claimed infringement of his religious rights as a Sikh under the Code. In a joint complaint, the Ontario Human Rights Commission alleged the Code had been violated in a Peel Board policy restricting the religious rights of Sikhs by prohibiting the kirpan. Attempts to mediate between complainant Sikhs and the Peel Board failed. The dispute went before an Ontario Human Rights Commission tribunal adjudicated by Rabbi W. Gunther Plaut who ruled that the kirpan was a religious symbol and could be worn to school subject to restrictions. The Pandori kirpan case illustrates the complexity of resolving issues of cultural and religious conflict in public institutions undergoing demographic change. Significant to the kirpan case were Canadian immigration policy changes which eliminated race and ethnicity from admission criteria. As a result, the Region of Peel witnessed significant intake of immigrants including Sikhs, some of whom insisted on their right to wear a kirpan. The extensive public debate that followed afforded valuable insight on the political process of policy-making in education and accommodating diversity in public educational institutions. The debate also set the stage for the development of the Peel Board’s equity policy documents--Manifesting Encouraging and Respectful Environments and The Future We Want launched in 2000. Despite the new equity documents, some observers have remarked that institutional change is slow unless pressure is applied by the courts or the Ontario Human Rights Commission. While the kirpan issue has been put to rest in Canada, issues of competing rights continue to challenge Canadians. The kirpan case demonstrates that balancing competing rights in a multicultural society is an ongoing struggle with no final resolution. In the twenty-first century, as Canada continues to diversify, debates concerning accommodation continue to be reflected in the public schools.

In 1990, a case came before the Ontario Human Rights Commission involving the collision of a religious rights policy enshrined in the Ontario Human Rights Code 1981 and a Peel Board of Education disciplinary policy prohibiting weapons including the kirpan, a dagger-like article of religious faith worn by baptized Sikhs. Harbhajan Singh Pandori claimed infringement of his religious rights as a Sikh under the Code. In a joint complaint, the Ontario Human Rights Commission alleged the Code had been violated in a Peel Board policy restricting the religious rights of Sikhs by prohibiting the kirpan. Attempts to mediate between complainant Sikhs and the Peel Board failed. The dispute went before an Ontario Human Rights Commission tribunal adjudicated by Rabbi W. Gunther Plaut who ruled that the kirpan was a religious symbol and could be worn to school subject to restrictions. The Pandori kirpan case illustrates the complexity of resolving issues of cultural and religious conflict in public institutions undergoing demographic change. Significant to the kirpan case were Canadian immigration policy changes which eliminated race and ethnicity from admission criteria. As a result, the Region of Peel witnessed significant intake of immigrants including Sikhs, some of whom insisted on their right to wear a kirpan. The extensive public debate that followed afforded valuable insight on the political process of policy-making in education and accommodating diversity in public educational institutions. The debate also set the stage for the development of the Peel Board’s equity policy documents--Manifesting Encouraging and Respectful Environments and The Future We Want launched in 2000. Despite the new equity documents, some observers have remarked that institutional change is slow unless pressure is applied by the courts or the Ontario Human Rights Commission. While the kirpan issue has been put to rest in Canada, issues of competing rights continue to challenge Canadians. The kirpan case demonstrates that balancing competing rights in a multicultural society is an ongoing struggle with no final resolution. In the twenty-first century, as Canada continues to diversify, debates concerning accommodation continue to be reflected in the public schools.

En année 408 après J.-C., l’Espagne, malgré sa position péninsulaire à la fin de l’Europe, était intégrée à une culture pan-Méditerranéenne qui s’étendait du Portugal jusqu’à la Syrie. Trois décennies n’étaient pas encore passées depuis l’instauration du Christianisme comme religion de l’état romain et l’Eglise Catholique était en pleine croissance. L’année suivante, l’Espagne entra sur une voie de transformation irrémédiable alors que les païens, avec leurs langues barbares Germaniques franchirent les Pyrénées portant la guerre et la misère aux Hispano-Romains et fondant leurs royaumes là où auparavant gouvernait l’état romain. Dans le désarroi du Ve siècle, les évêques Catholiques luttèrent pour imposer leur dominance dans les communautés et dans les coeurs des pieux. À la lumière des progrès dans l’archéologie et la qualité des éditions critiques de nos sources littéraires est venu le moment d’identifier les évêques ibériques avec une attention aux conditions régionales. Ce mémoire caractérise les évêques de l’Espagne et du Portugal et démontre les épreuves auxquelles ils firent face comme intermédiaires entre indigènes et envahisseurs, comme évangélistes parmi les païens, persécuteurs des apostates et gardiens de la romanitas à la fin du monde Antique. / In Anno Domini 408, Spain, despite its peninsular location at the ends of Europe, was part of a pan-Mediterranean culture which spread from Portugal to Syria. Christianity had been adopted a mere 28 years prior and the Catholic Church was growing across the Roman world. The following year, Spain entered on a course of irreversible transformation as pagan Germanic speaking 'barbarians' crossed the Pyrenees bringing war and strife to the Hispano-Romans and establishing new kingdoms where the Roman state had once governed. In the turmoil of the fifth century, Catholic bishops laboured to assert their dominance over their communities and over the hearts of their flock. In light of advances in archaeology and quality critical editions of the literary sources, the time has come to identify the traits of the Iberian bishops with attention to regional variation. This thesis characterises the bishops of Spain and Portugal and demonstrates the challenges they faced as intermediaries between natives and newcomers, as proselytizers of pagans, persecutors of heretics and retainers of romanitas at the end of the Antique world.

Après avoir établi les bases méthodologiques de cette recherche, nous avons débuté notre réflexion en inscrivant la problématique du port des signes religieux dans l’espace public dans le débat qui perdure entre les perspectives différentialiste et universaliste au niveau de l’application des droits à l’égalité. Par la suite, nous effectuons un survol des cadres conceptuels appropriés à l’analyse du sujet: le libéralisme classique et le républicanisme qui se rapportent à la vision universaliste. Les divers types de féminisme juridique, la théorie de l’intersectionnalité, l’approche communautarienne, le libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et les valeurs relatives au droit à l’égalité de Sandra Fredman qui se rangent sous la houlette de la philosophie différentialiste. Par la suite, le libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et les valeurs relatives au droit à l’égalité de Fredman sont identifiés comme étant les cadres les plus appropriés à l’analyse du sujet à l’étude. Dans cette même optique, notre examen du droit international nous a permis de démontrer que pendant que le droit européen se range davantage dans la perspective universaliste au niveau de l’examen du droit à la liberté de religion, tel n’est pas le cas pour le droit onusien qui se joint timidement à la vision différentialiste et donc, du libéralisme repensé de Kymlicka et de la perspective des droits à l’égalité de Fredman. Au niveau des systèmes juridiques des États-Unis, du Canada, de la France et de la Suisse, nous avons vu une application intermittente des deux perspectives dépendant du domaine d’activité en cause. Cependant, le Canada est ressorti de notre analyse comme étant celle ayant une approche plus axée sur la vision différentialiste en raison de sa neutralité inclusive ou bienveillante qui accorde une grande place à l’inclusion et à l’égalité réelle de ces nationaux. / After establishing the methodological foundations of this study, we began our reflection by examining the issue of wearing religious symbols in the public sphere within the context of the debate between differentialist and universalist perspectives in the application of equality rights. Afterwards, we conducted an overview of conceptual frameworks related to the analysis of the subject: classical liberalism and republicanism from a universalist vision, diverse types of legal feminism, the theory of intersectionality, the communitarian approach, Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and the values related to Sandra Fredman's equality of law that are aligned within differentialist philosophy. We subsequently identified Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and the values related to Fredman's equality of law as being the most appropriate framework for the analysis of the subject under study. Our study of international law allowed us to demonstrate that while European law tends to apply the universalist perspective in the application of rights to freedom of religion, this is not the case with United Nations law that adheres to a differentialist vision, and thus of Kymlicka's renewed liberalism and of Fredman's equality perspective. With respect to the judicial systems of the United States, Canada, France and Switzerland, we found an intermittent application of both perspectives depending upon the domain of activity. However, Canada stood out in our analysis as having an approach more focussed on the differentialist vision as a result of its inclusive neutrality that focuses on the notions of inclusion and substantive equality for its nationals.

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