Post-conflict reconstruction refers to the complex process whereby societies strive to overcome internal armed conflict and (re-)establish peaceful and stable political arrangements. The central question addressed in this thesis is whether Uganda's transformation under Y. Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) between 1986 and 2000 is a successful case of post-conflict reconstruction, as is widely held. As a corollary, it asks how the interaction between the NRM and the international community has affected this process. The thesis argues that, in spite of the NRM's remarkable achievements, Uganda's reconstruction is deeply flawed. Most importantly, a legitimate framework for the allocation, exercise and reproduction of political power has not been established. The reconstruction strategy, shaped by the NRM's character as a politicised guerrilla group and dominated by the imperative of regime survival, was inherently twin-faced. It restored political authority and security to most areas of the country, enabling, amongst other achievements, economic recovery. However, it also unleashed military interventionism, led to political closure, and created a fragile and politicised economic order. As such, the NRM's actions attracted increasing opposition, expressed through political and military means. The ancillary argument is that, notwithstanding the pre-eminence of domestic factors, Uganda's transformation has been highly dependent on the support of an interested international community. The NRM was willing and able to adapt to donors' priority concerns, in particular to introduce liberal economic reform, and strategically used donor support to build its power. For their part, donors found the NRM's authority and commitment to structural adjustment quite irresistible. Agendas thus converged, generating mutual dependence. As a result, donors overlooked how their support was diverted, and how the NRM's security policies and political reforms diverged from stated principles. The donors' approach promoted the consolidation of the NRM's power, yet at the expense of the legitimacy of Uganda's reconstruction.

This study attempts to analyse the internal dynamics of the most recent Kurdish resistance movement in Turkey. The main focus of analysis is the PKK's organisational existence - its ideational and material structure. As the leading entity of the Kurdish movement, the research focuses on the PKK's recent growth - asking how it became capable of revitalising the "buried" body of Kurdishness in Anatolia that has been incorporated (in both demographic and geographical terms) into the Turkicized Republic. Within the framework of the case study method, much of the research is devoted to answering an indirect question: why wasn't it the other Kurdish "national" configurations that came to prominence? To this end, the study tries to appraise the extent of national and non-national ingredients in the make-up of the movement - the leadership, the grassroots and the masses that give their support. The conclusion reached is that the successes and failures of the PKK in bringing about Kurdish opposition in Turkey are fundamentally related to its philosophy of recruitment and organisational diligence, rather than to its scrupulous use of arms or other contextual factors. The form, content and intensity of educational activities give the organisation its strength. This "education war" - concomitant with the contextual tension of Turkey's Kurdish question - produced a "sparking" Apo charisma. In its originating period, the "pure form" of this charisma contributed much to the PKK's ability to mobilise the Kurds. The later "routinised" form of the very charisma has become one of principal determinants in what is known as the movement's "shrinkage process". It was also found that the substance of the party education - mainly involving Öcalan's talks - embodies a philosophy of human nature (rather than a strictly nationalistic content) in search of the re-appropriation of "human naturalness". In the party leadership's view, this human naturalness has to be extricated from the plague of civilisation's property mechanisms, which apparently have degenerated the humane faculties of man's spiritual structure. However, it ought not to be understood that the intensively worded philosophy depicts the extent of such extrication in the personalities of the cadre body of the Organisation. And the field research indicates that this is the Party's greatest internal contradiction.

This essay explores ten articles or letters to the editor, written by women who sympathize with the Swedish extreme right-wing party Nordic Resistance Movement. The purpose of the essay is to examine what arguments women bring forward to explain their commitment to the movement, despite its misogynist roots. The texts, along with an article, written by a man who is a party member, and the party manifesto, are examined mainly with the help of discourse analysis. Yvonne Hirdman’s theory on gender systems, Edward Said’s notion of orientalism and Benedict Anderson’s concept of imagined communities have all been crucial to the theoretical framework of the essay. The results show that the women emphasize how their unique female qualities give them an elevated position in the organization, that they complete men, that they are in need of protection and, finally, that they have reached a higher level of understanding of society than other women. However, they contradict themselves when they reveal how they feel diminished and treated with scorn by men from the party.

Le foncier, entendu comme des relations entre les humains à propos de la terre, est au cœur de la répartition des pouvoirs, particulièrement dans les sociétés à dominantes agraires. Encadrer sa gestion à travers la formulation d'une politique publique signifie altérer les rapports entre l'État et les pouvoirs locaux, et la manière dont l’État entend construire un pouvoir de contrôle sur les hommes et le territoire. À travers l'exemple de l'Ouganda sous le régime du National Resistance Movement (NRM), cette thèse en science politique analyse la manière dont une politique publique foncière se fabrique en interaction avec les structures de pouvoir. Nous touchons ici aux rapports entre polity, politics et policy. Appréhendée comme une activité politique, la fabrication d’une politique publique foncière en contextes africains n’est pas qu’une affaire d’État. Elle est une source de légitimité politique pour les acteurs intégrés au processus. Son instrumentalisation peut profiter à un changement de rapports de force. Ce processus commence à partir de la fabrication des énoncés de problème et aboutit à la négociation d'une solution. Cette recherche inductive se fonde sur des méthodes de recherche qualitative : observations participantes, entretiens semi-structurés, recours à la littérature grise et aux archives. Elle est le fruit d'un travail de terrain de quatre ans en Ouganda. Cette thèse innove d'un point de vue théorique en intégrant l'approche discursive et pragmatique de l'action publique à l'approche structurationniste. Elle lie cette approche à la notion « d'historicité de l’État importé ». Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier les mouvements d'ordre et de désordre de la société qu'engendre la formulation des énoncés de problème et de solution. Elle fournit aussi un apport empirique détaillé à l'étude de la politique foncière en Ouganda. Cette thèse contribue ainsi à l'étude de la démocratisation en Afrique, de celle du foncier en Afrique, et de celle des politiques publiques en contextes africains. / Land tenure, defined as the set of relations among humans that determine their interaction with land, lies at the heart of power struggles, especially in agrarian societies. Governing land management through public policy means changing power relations between the state and the local institutions that exercise social control. Using Uganda under the regime of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) as its case study, this thesis in political science explores the manner a public policy concerning land is constructed through the interactions among various power structures. We are dealing here with the interactions among polity, politics and policy. Examined as a political activity, the construction of a public policy concerning land in African contexts goes beyond a matter of concern for the state alone. This activity is a source of political legitimacy for those actors participating in the process. Its instrumentalisation can lead to changes in power relations. This process starts with the construction of the problem and ends with the negotiation of a solution. This inductive research is based on qualitative research methods : participant observation, semi-structured interviews, analysis of grey literature and of archives. It is based on four years of field work in Uganda. This thesis innovates theoretically as it integrates the discursive and pragmatic approach of public policy to structuration theory. It ties this approach to the notion of « historicity of the imported state ». This theoretical framework allows us to study the ordering and disordering of society that are triggered by the formulation of problems and solutions. It provides a detailed empirical study of public policy concerning land in Uganda. This thesis contributes, more generally, to the study of democratisation in Africa, land tenure in Africa and public policy in African contexts.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict brings up many questions considering and reaching into several different spheres, including the spheres of law. This thesis focuses on the question of the organized resistance movement against occupation and on its legal status. It is known that the inhabitants of every occupied territory are allowed to protect themselves and their territory from the occupier, thus they are allowed to resist the occupation and to claim a recognition of their resistance movement and of its acts as legal acts. Although the resistance movement is a well known term, there is no official definition of this movement and its legal framework is quite narrow; it only establishes the characteristics needed in order for its members to gain a status and a legal protection similar to the regular combatants. It is limited from its name that the resistance movement against occupation may only exists in the territory where an actual occupation takes place. In order to characterize the organized resistance movement against occupation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, it is necessary for this thesis to first answer several supporting questions concerning the actual status of the specific conflict and look closer whether or not is the concerned territory actually occupied. After reaching a...

This is a qualitative study with an argumentation and discourse approach with the purpose to compile what the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Nordic resistance movement (NMR) writes about religion in their current party program. The two main questions in this study were as follows: Are there any signs of islamophobia, antisemitism or cultural racism in the party programs of Swedish democrats and the Nordic resistance movement and how is this expressed? also Is it religion that is more represented as threat in each party program? The main theories that are discussed in this study are islamophobia, antisemitism and cultural racism. The result of the study shows that the Nordic resistance movement have many arguments that are antiemetic, and this organization especially believes that we live in a world where majority of medias and politicians are controlled by a Zionist elite group. The study of The Swedish democrat’s party program shows that many arguments have cultural racism intendencies and that the party favorites Christianity in their party program.

<p>The study analysed the politics of resistance in Manenberg placing it within the over arching mass defiance campaign in Greater Cape Town at the time and comparing the strategies used to mobilize residents in Manenberg in the 1980s to strategies used in the period of the 2000s. The thesis also focused on several key figures in Manenberg with a view to understanding what local conditions inspired them to activism. The use of biographies brought about a synoptic view into activists lives, their living conditions, their experiences of the apartheid regime, their brutal experience of apartheid and their resistance and strength against a system that was prepared to keep people on the outside. This study found that local living conditions motivated activism and became grounds for mobilising residents to make Manenberg a site of resistance. It was easy to mobilise residents on issues around rent increases, lack of resources, infrastructure and proper housing.</p>

During the period of occupation of Norway between the years 1940-1945 the National Lutheran Church took the responsibility of supporting the Norweigans in their ideological battle against the Nazis. This was a period named Holdningskampen in Norwegian history. One person to remember was Eivind Berggrav, bishop in Oslo diocese. He was the one responsible for the theological document of importance Kirkens Grunn that became important as a document against the Nazis and the small percentage of Christians that related to the naziinspired-church. Berggrav was also one of the founders of Den Midlertidlige Kirkeledelsen, the organisation responsible for the non-nazified churches. During Easter 1942 there was a division between the national church department and the churches. The outcome was that almost all priests left their offices because they did not want to be part of a Nazi-friendly system. The German-inspired government did their best to keep the churches going with the help of new politically correct priests and bishops. However, people did not accept them and they mostly had to talk for empty rows. The attention was instead given to the priests who marked their standpoint against the Nazis and for the freedom of the people and their country. They became the good examples that helped many Norwegians to keep their courage during a period of tribulation in the history of the country. The purpose is to analyze how and why the support became so important. By using letters from the bishop’s office in Tromsö, literature written about these subjects and local sources I will try to answer the following questions: What difference made the Church for Holdningskampen and the following years and what response did the people give to this standpoint? In what way did the Church support cooperation? How was this perceived by people in general? How did the Church support those who did not sympathize with the party Nasjonal Samling and the occupying power? What became the response from the people and the authorities? The importance of the local priests cannot be underestimated. Their resistance against the Nazis had an important role in the local community during a period of great turmoil and uncertainty in Norway. While their government and King had escaped to London, the Norwegian Church remained in the country. The Nazi-inspired church tried to get the people’s attention but very few listened. Because of the many undeviating priests and church leaders all over the country the locals remained hopeful and resistant, in spite of the Nazi-government’s threats. The interaction between the locals and the church gave them courage. Together they were made strong.

<p>The study analysed the politics of resistance in Manenberg placing it within the over arching mass defiance campaign in Greater Cape Town at the time and comparing the strategies used to mobilize residents in Manenberg in the 1980s to strategies used in the period of the 2000s. The thesis also focused on several key figures in Manenberg with a view to understanding what local conditions inspired them to activism. The use of biographies brought about a synoptic view into activists lives, their living conditions, their experiences of the apartheid regime, their brutal experience of apartheid and their resistance and strength against a system that was prepared to keep people on the outside. This study found that local living conditions motivated activism and became grounds for mobilising residents to make Manenberg a site of resistance. It was easy to mobilise residents on issues around rent increases, lack of resources, infrastructure and proper housing.</p>

Magister Artium - MA / The study analysed the politics of resistance in Manenberg placing it within the over arching mass defiance campaign in Greater Cape Town at the time and comparing the strategies used to mobilize residents in Manenberg in the 1980s to strategies used in the period of the 2000s. The thesis also focused on several key figures in Manenberg with a view to understanding what local conditions inspired them to activism. The use of biographies brought about a synoptic view into activists lives, their living conditions, their experiences of the apartheid regime, their brutal experience of apartheid and their resistance and strength against a system that was prepared to keep people on the outside. This study found that local living conditions motivated activism and became grounds for mobilising residents to make Manenberg a site of resistance. It was easy to mobilise residents on issues around rent increases, lack of resources, infrastructure and proper housing. / South Africa