This essay explores ten articles or letters to the editor, written by women who sympathize with the Swedish extreme right-wing party Nordic Resistance Movement. The purpose of the essay is to examine what arguments women bring forward to explain their commitment to the movement, despite its misogynist roots. The texts, along with an article, written by a man who is a party member, and the party manifesto, are examined mainly with the help of discourse analysis. Yvonne Hirdman’s theory on gender systems, Edward Said’s notion of orientalism and Benedict Anderson’s concept of imagined communities have all been crucial to the theoretical framework of the essay. The results show that the women emphasize how their unique female qualities give them an elevated position in the organization, that they complete men, that they are in need of protection and, finally, that they have reached a higher level of understanding of society than other women. However, they contradict themselves when they reveal how they feel diminished and treated with scorn by men from the party.

This is a qualitative study with an argumentation and discourse approach with the purpose to compile what the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Nordic resistance movement (NMR) writes about religion in their current party program. The two main questions in this study were as follows: Are there any signs of islamophobia, antisemitism or cultural racism in the party programs of Swedish democrats and the Nordic resistance movement and how is this expressed? also Is it religion that is more represented as threat in each party program? The main theories that are discussed in this study are islamophobia, antisemitism and cultural racism. The result of the study shows that the Nordic resistance movement have many arguments that are antiemetic, and this organization especially believes that we live in a world where majority of medias and politicians are controlled by a Zionist elite group. The study of The Swedish democrat’s party program shows that many arguments have cultural racism intendencies and that the party favorites Christianity in their party program.

Extreme right-wing violence has increased in recent years. Social media technologies and self-made media platforms have allowed extreme right-wing groups to create and push narratives online. These narratives have inspired others to act outside of the digital world and commit horrendous [GH1] attacks targeting minorities. These narratives are also published in a hybrid media system where audience-driven content is favored by social media, rather than objective and correct content. Therefore, it is important to understand the use of digital storytelling and social media technologies in a political context to push political views and stories online. This thesis studied how The Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) uses digital storytelling strategies to build and push narratives on Twitter and self-made media platforms. This was conducted through a network and qualitative content analysis. 400 000 tweets were collected using Twitter’s API from 1/1-2022 to 31/3-2022. The outcome indicates that NRM dilutes its hateful narrative on Twitter but uses digital storytelling to evoke interest in the movement and combines it with influential hashtags according to the network analysis to force users onto self-made media platforms. This is when the narrative changes to the extreme. The study concludes that NRM uses social media in combination with its digital storytelling to attract users from traditional political spaces on Twitter through intriguing storytelling as part of an initiation process to attract new members and visitors to their self-made media platforms. Further research is suggested to be done on media ecology concerning self-made media platforms to gain further insight into how the platforms affect each other and the storytelling in the hybrid media system.

This Paper presents a case study of one individual’s trajectory through violent national socialist movement in Sweden. Here, do i offer a case study of one person’s trajectory into, through and out of national socialist extremism in Sweden, it is based primarily on a face-toface interview with ”Emil”. Although the reliance on a single case study will limit generalizability, it nevertheless provides an opportunity to deeply explore an important phenomenon. The Research area in this study covers is one under development. The study's contribution in general is with further theory development as well as a further oral narrative story of the individual experience of an individual's path through the national socialist environment in Sweden. What this case study hase presented is how the success of the Sweden Democrats in recent years has facilitated the recruitment process for the Nordic resistance movement, as well as illustrating the staging of the process, and the central mechanisms in entry- and exitprocess and demonstrated the relationship between these.

This essay examines how different antisemitic attitudes, conspiracy theories and ideas are communicated through the party program of the Nordic resistance movement (in Swedish ‘Nordiska motståndsrörelsen). The Nordic resistance movement is one of Sweden’s leading right-wing extremist groups and is a national socialist organisation and political party. The ideology of the Nordic resistance movement is heavily influenced by antisemitic beliefs, and they see the world through a prism where the society is occupied by a global Jewish conspiracy. To be available to identify the patterns of antisemitism in the party program, I have gathered and used previous research about antisemitism. Through research, I have explained and created different ideal types of antisemitism that have their own characteristics. The ideal types are then used in an ideal-type analysis on the party program to identify what types of antisemitism that are present. In summary, the analysis show that all types of antisemitism are expressed in the party program with the perception of a global Jewish conspiracy and cultural Marxism at is core.

This case study aims to explore the social sustainability in a middle-sized city with extreme-right wing presence. The chosen middle-sized city had the Nordic Resistance Movement, an extreme and violent organisation with Nazi-ideology, in the local government election period 2014-2018. Even though the Nordic Resistance Movement is not in the local government, currently they still have social influence in the city. Schools in the middle-sized city have been under extra pressure due to propaganda on school areas and recruitment efforts. The Swedish government specifically target youth in relation to extremism because youth and children are considered a risk group for all forms of extremism. A selected group of youth, forty in total, in the middle-sized city answered an attitude survey, and four of them answered semi-structured interviews to give a deeper understanding of the survey answers. The results from the survey and interviews show that the youth had strong opinions on the presence of the Nordic Resistance Movement in their hometown. A majority of the youth perceived that Nordic Resistance Movement was present and made contact attempts in town, on social media and with graffiti and pamphlets. Furthermore, the youth responded that they wanted harder actions towards extreme-right wing organisations from the school, media, police and the justice system. Finally, the youth answered that adults around them could be both with and against the Nordic Resistance Movement, the same with the respondents themselves, indicating a polarised civil society. As for the future, the youth answered that they believe that the Nordic Resistance Movement will increase in the future, and they wanted harder regulations from the government to hinder an increase of the Nordic Resistance Movement. The social sustainability in the middle-sized city is not lost according to the youths, it can be sustainable with the help of governmental support.

The purpose of this study is to contribute to a greater knowledge and understanding of violent discourses within the Far Right community with emphasizes on online violent content. The study has, by analyzing the narrative, identified four discursive strategies used by the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) in order to legitimize violence. By studying three texts in the time span of fifteen years published by the organization, the ambition is to identify a change in the discourse of violence.   Today’s society is greatly influenced by the presence of the Internet. The rise of populist political parties in European and American counties etc. has lead to discussions regarding the cause of this phenomenon. A reoccurring debate is if the Internet is to blame for this, since it is accessible for most people, with non-or little legislative control regarding credibility. What can be stated for a fact, however, is that these forces are once again gaining more support and power. Due to this, finding explanations for this turn of event, which is updated to the society that we live in now is of importance. In order to understand this phenomenon the study has examined the Far Right organization the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR). In the empirical part of the thesis four themes of violent discourses were identified; the enemies, the threat, family politics and women’s role in society and community-building processes. The four discursive strategies identified are in accordance with the chosen methodological framework, namely, critical discourse analysis. Aforementioned discursive strategies and analysis questions which, framed the empirical material, were analysed through the lenses of Norman Fairclough’s theory three-dimensional conception of discourse. In the discourses, amongst other things, it could be identified that the discourses had indeed become more violent.

On september 30th 2017 the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) demonstrates, on the same day as the Gothenburg book fair and the jewish holy day Yom Kippur takes place. Not least opinion piece-writers wrote about the demonstration, in newspapers fron Piteå in the north and Ystad in the south. With the use of framing theory we have, by method of quantitative analysis, analyzed 88 of the opinion pieces on the subject of NMR's right to demonstrate in Gothenburg, published in Swedish newspapers. In addition to analyzing how the writers framed NMR's right to demonstrate we have, with the qualitative method argumentation analysis, analyzed the writers' attitudes toward NMRS's right to demonstrate. We find the two most prevalent frames are legal framing (29 out of 88) and democracy framing (28 out of 88). Other than that little consensus can be found amongst the writers on the topic of NMR's right to demonstrate.

After World War II some people from all over Europe started to say that the destruction of the European Jews never happened. This article is written to compare the argument the Holocaust deniers are using against science document. The materials that have been used for this comparison are the books “Dog verkligen 6 miljoner? Sanning till sist” and ”En tom säck kan inte stå” which are the Holocaust deniers material. From the other side I have been using the Swedish states internet side Forum för levande historia, the site of Världens historia and the documentary of Auschwitz from BBC. The arguments will be studied from post fact theory specters, were I will compare the facts from the two sides and put them together. I will do that by look how the arguments from the two sides are built. I have also made questions that I have been asking by email the two sides. The Holocaust denier’s sides are the Swedish party called Nordiska Motståndsrörelsen (Nordic resistance movement) and the other side is Forum för levande historia (Forum of living history). The result that this study will show are when you put all the arguments from the Holocaust deniers together, their argument will not be as strong as when they are by them self.

The purpose of this essay was to analyse the way two Swedish parties, The Swedish Democrats and the Nordic Resistance Movement, represent women in articles written for members of their parties. The qualitative analysis was done on a small number of articles using Norman Faircloughs Critical Discourse Analysis and with the theoretical framework of mainly Frank Ankersmits aesthetic representation, but also metapolitics and red and blue pill. The main questions that has been answered are how women are represented in the articles, i.e. what roles they are given, and how this is motivated, including also how women can be attracted to these discourses. The result of this essay has shown that the discourses uses by the two parties are connected in a way, to support each other, instead of putting forth other arguments. The role of the woman as mother and wife works because as a part of it, her role is also to support men. Without that he cannot be the man he is supposed to be, and the woman cannot either, because feminism is destroying that possibility.