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This thesis concerns the current legislation and practical issues of the right to assemble in the Czech Republic. In the introduction is described the development of the right of assembly from the year 1948 until the adoption of the current law, the Right of Assembly Act. The present legislation is based on the notifying principle. An Assembly shall therefore not be subject to permission of public authority. The legal framework of the right to assemble at national level consists primarily of Article 19 of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Act No. 84/1990 Coll., on the Right of Assembly. In the field of international law is the respective regulation included mainly in the article 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 11 of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The work describes the most important institutes of the right of assembly, such as the convening of the assembly and the convening person, the rights and obligations of the convener, participants and the authority, spontaneous gatherings, prohibition and dissolution of an assembly. More attention is paid to situations where there are conflicts between the convener and the authority, which strives to prevent some assemblies. This was also the question...

Le rattachement de la liberté de manifestation à la liberté d’expression, la qualification sociologique de la manifestation comme « expression politique », son exercice par les citoyens depuis plus de deux siècles sont autant de facteurs qui unissent cette liberté à la démocratie. C’est à partir d’une étude théorique puis juridique de la liberté de manifestation, que ce rapport complexe, n’excluant pas le conflit, a été étudié. Comme cette liberté n’a pas d’objet défini, il est apparu nécessaire de s’interroger sur sa fonction (et ses limites) à l’intérieur du « système » de droits des démocraties occidentales, en s’appuyant sur une méthodologie de type interdisciplinaire. Les hypothèses ainsi dégagées ont servi de point d’appui pour une lecture comparée à plusieurs entrées : droits français, allemand et américain, d’une part, droit européen des droits de l’homme de l’autre. Cette comparaison a permis de dégager certaines convergences prévisibles et quelques différences. Celles-ci tiennent surtout aux positions et aux méthodes originales des juges nationaux et européens. La réflexion s’est donc portée sur le rôle des juges dans la réalisation du droit à la liberté de manifestation, ce qui a conduit à dégager un certain nombre d’enseignements de portée générale sur les rapports ente libéralisme et démocratie. / The link between the Freedom of Assembly and the Freedom of Speech, the sociological acceptance of demonstration as a political way to express oneself, the fact it has been put into practice by the citizens for more than two centuries, are as many factors binding this liberty together with the Democracy. This complex connection, occasionally conflicting, has been studied starting from theoretical analysis toward a juridical approach of the freedom of assembly. Since this Freedom has no particular object, it seemed necessary to question ourselves about its functions (and its limits) within the western democracies law system, using an interdisciplinary methodology. The resulting different hypotheses served as a base for a comparative study: French, German and American Law on one side, European Human Rights System on the other side. This comparison led to some predictable points of convergence, and to a few differences. These differences are mainly due to the original stances and methods of the national and European judges. Our reflection was then oriented towards the role of the judges in the achievement of the Freedom of Assembly, from which we have drawn a few lesson of general application about the links between Liberalism and Democracy.

"In 2001 after the 2000 election in Zanzibar, the Civic United Front (CUF) began planning a series of peaceful demonstrations to protest alleged fraud in the October 2000 presidential elections, calling for a rerun of the elections and constitutional reforms. The CUF notified the police of their intended routes, both the government officials and police immediately responded and announced that the demonstrations were banned. Police were ordered to use all force necessary to break up the demonstrations. The Tanzanian prime minister was recorded as stating that force would be used to break up the demonstration. According to him, "government has prepared itself in every way to confront whatever occurs ... any provocation will be met with all due forces of the state". CUF demonstrations, which were widely supported, took place on 27 January 2001 and as the unarmed demonstrators walked peacefully toward the four designated meeting grounds, security forces intercepted and opened fire without warning. They attacked the civilians, [and]ordered them to disperse [under] firing and beating. ... All these events occurred in the face of the fact that the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania (CURT) provides for freedom of assembly. The requirement of permits has been removed and section 40 of the Police Force Ordinance and 11(1) of the Political Parties Act were declared void on grounds that the requirement for a permit to hold an assembly infringed the freedom of peaceful assembly and procession enshrined in article 20(2) of the CURT. However the government limits these rights in practice, police have authority to deny permission to hold an assembly on public safety and security grounds. The relevant provision is section 41 of the Police Force Ordinance which permits any police officer to stop the holding of any assembly. The situation has not improved for opposition parties seeking to hold assemblies because of the way the police apply section 41. Rather than invoking this provision only in extraordinary situations as required, the police, once served with a notice of a planned meeting, issued prohibition orders claiming that they had information that the meeting was likely to cause chaos, but without giving evidence. ... These restrictions on the right to freedom of assembly and the excessive use of force by police officials as depicted in the above recounted incident and others of its kind, violate numerous provisions of international legal istruments to which Tanzania is a party. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) guarantees for the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association, as does the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). The African Charter limits the right to assemble subject to necessary restrictions provided by law, in particular those enacted in the interest of national security and the safety, health, ethics and the rights to freedoms of other. But the African Commission has interpreted these claw back clauses to mean that the limitations must be in accordance with international law and thus the standards developed under the ICCPR, especially, would be relevant in determining when the rights to assemble may be limited. The exercise here is to examine the nature of the Tanzanian laws on the right to peaceful assembly and demonstration in the light of police practice having regards to the nature of the right as guaranteed under international human rights instruments." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / Prepared under the supervision of Prof. K. Quashigah at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

MASTER'S THESIS Evolution of the protection of the freedom of assembly and association under the ECHR and the ICCPR in the Russian Federation. Author: Daria Solomina Supervisor: JUDr. Milan Lipovský, Ph.D. Study programme: MAIN Academic Year: 2020/2021 Abstract The rights of assembly and association are vital elements of the international system of human rights. The democratic society needs to protect those freedoms to let the population a chance to express important ideas, concerns, raise political and social issues and make sure the government knows what is important to pay attention to. The international legal system (in particular created by the ECHR and the ICCPR), has come up with fundamental basis for the realization of the rights of assembly and association. However, the main responsibility of the implementation of those rules and norms lays on the states and their domestic legal systems. This thesis researches the structure of the legal protection of the freedoms of assembly and association in the Russian Federation, discovers the significant discordances between it and the provisions of the ECHR and the ICCPR, and attempts to give the political reasoning that is behind those differences. Analyzing the case-law, historical developments of the political life of the Russian Federation and the...

The Occupy movement has spread over hundreds of cities nationwide and over 1,500 cities around the world. The movement is formed around a common goal, which is to protest the way government actions or inactions have rooted widespread discontent. The Occupy movement has encountered opposition from the cities and counties where it is located. Arrests have been made for a number of violations of city and county codes including resistance to police orders and disorderly conduct charges. In our country, freedom of speech and the right to protest have been regarded as inalienable rights. The question becomes how to balance the rights of the people involved against the rights and obligations of the government. This thesis will provide an in depth look at the issues being discussed in cases and hearings involving the Occupy movement. The key issue plaintiffs argue is that their First Amendment rights are being infringed on. In January 2012, both international human rights and United States civil liberties experts at seven law school clinics across the country met and formed the Protest and Assembly Rights Project. The project investigated the United States response to Occupy Wall Street. This thesis will discuss and recap some of their findings. In addition, it will analyze the Federal Constitutional restrictions to protestor's rights and the cases that arise on the grounds of these restrictions, as well as examine how the courts interpret the First Amendment and clarify these issues along with defining protestor's constitutional rights. Based upon the Constitutional rights and legitimate restrictions, the thesis will make appropriate recommendations on the limits for both the protestors and the local government.

La manifestation est un sujet d’actualité et un phénomène en voie de devenir mondial. En ce domaine la Thaïlande fait figure de pays pionnier. En effet les manifestations de rue y sont fréquentes et souvent violentes. La présente étude a d’abord pour objet de s’interroger sur les raisons du recours massif à cette liberté par le peuple et sa perception par le Droit. Dans ce pays la manifestation répond à une tradition constante d’expression des idées et des opinions, grâce à une contestation politique en groupe et sur la voie publique. Elle est consacrée en tant que liberté constitutionnelle dans les vingt Constitutions, que ce soit de manière explicite ou implicite mais sans être pour autant distinguée de la liberté de réunion. Il est dès lors utile d’analyser cette conception de la liberté de manifestation. Cependant il importe également de comprendre pourquoi le nombre de manifestations augmente considérablement en Thaïlande. Selon l’auteur, le principal élément de réponse est à rechercher dans le système institutionnel et politique thaïlandais. Celui-ci permet rarement un débat pluraliste au sein du Parlement. L’instabilité constitutionnelle, les successions de putschs militaires, accentuent la crise de la démocratie représentative. La solution à ce danger doit-elle être trouvée non plus dans le droit mais dans un devoir de manifester ? Sans doute, car la Thaïlande donne l’exemple de l’urgence d’instituer des mécanismes associant davantage le citoyen à la décision publique, conduisant à l’instauration d’une démocratie participative et continue. Lorsque le bon fonctionnement de ces mécanismes est mis à mal, le recours à la liberté de manifestation devient une nécessité / The manifestation is an important issue as it has become a world phenomenon. Concerning this subject, Thailand is considered a pioneer country. The street manifestations occur frequently and often in a violent manner. This study aimed to raise question as to why people exercise this freedom and what are the perceptions of law toward these situations. In this country manifestation responds to a constant tradition of expression of ideas and opinions, as a result of a political group contestation on the street. Principally manifestation is recognized as a constitutional freedom in twenty Constitutions, whether explicitly or implicitly without being distinguished from freedom of assembly. It is therefore necessary to analyze such conception of freedom of manifestation. In addition to the above, it is important to understand the reasons as to why the number of manifestations has been increasing considerably in Thailand. According to the author, the principal element of the reason derives from conducting a research in the institutional and political system. The system hardly allows a pluralistic debate in Parliament. The constitutional instability, the successions of military putsches, have emphasized the crisis of representative democracy. Is it possible that the solution of this danger should no longer be founded in a right but in a duty to manifest? Since Thailand is an example underlining the urgency of introducing the mechanisms which involve citizens in making public decision, these mechanisms lead to the establishment of participatory and continuous democracy. When these mechanisms fail to function accordingly, an exercise of freedom of manifestation becomes a necessity

The dissertation presents several texts dealing with the freedom of assembly in international human rights law, foreign law and the Brazilian constitutional law. It is not mere reproduction of normative statements, includes research the legal discourse developed around that fundamental freedom by doctrine and jurisprudence in the various protection systems, while making a critical reflection, as befits academic research. This bias is related to the perspective of legal effect. On the other hand, from the perspective of social effectiveness, by intuitively notice the growing recurrence to the use of public space from the streets as a form of collective action with extensive diversity of repertoire and considerable consequences, academic study presents several episodes related to the demonstrations in Brazil and other countries illustrative for illustrative and representative title. The purpose is to understand the limits and possibilities of this fundamental freedom, closely linked to the development of democracy.________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ / La disertacíón presenta varios textos que tratan de la libertad de reunión en el derecho internacional de derechos humanos, el derecho extranjero y el derecho constitucional brasileño. No es mera reproducción de enunciados normativos, incluye la investigación del discurso jurídico desarrollado en torno a esta libertad fundamental por la doctrina y la jurisprudencia en los diversos sistemas de protección, mientras que hace una reflexión crítica, como la investigación académica ser requiere. Este sesgo se relaciona con la perspectiva de efectos jurídicos. Por otro lado, desde la perspectiva de la eficacia social, a notar de modo intuitivo la creciente recurrencia al uso del espacio público de las calles como una forma de acción colectiva con una amplia diversidad de consecuencias repertorio y considerables, el estudio académico presenta varios episodios relacionados con la manifestación públicas en Brasil y otros países para el título ilustrativo y representativo. El objetivo es comprender los límites y las posibilidades de esta libertad fundamental, estrechamente vinculada al desarrollo de la democracia. / A dissertação apresenta diversos textos que tratam da liberdade de reunião no direito internacional dos direitos humanos, no direito constitucional estrangeiro e no direito constitucional brasileiro. Não se trata de mera reprodução de enunciados normativos, inclui a pesquisa o discurso jurídico desenvolvido em torno dessa liberdade fundamental pela doutrina e pela jurisprudência nos diversos sistemas de proteção, sem deixar de efetuar uma reflexão crítica, como é próprio de uma pesquisa acadêmica. Esse viés está relacionado à perspectiva da eficácia jurídica. Por outro lado, na perspectiva da efetividade social, ao se notar intuitivamente a crescente recorrência ao uso do espaço público das ruas como forma de ação coletiva com extensa diversidade de repertórios e consequências consideráveis, o estudo acadêmico apresenta vários episódios referentes a manifestações públicas no Brasil e em outros países a título ilustrativo e representativo. O propósito é compreender limites e possibilidades dessa liberdade fundamental, vinculada estreitamente ao desenvolvimento da democracia. / São Cristóvão, SE

On september 30th 2017 the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) demonstrates, on the same day as the Gothenburg book fair and the jewish holy day Yom Kippur takes place. Not least opinion piece-writers wrote about the demonstration, in newspapers fron Piteå in the north and Ystad in the south. With the use of framing theory we have, by method of quantitative analysis, analyzed 88 of the opinion pieces on the subject of NMR's right to demonstrate in Gothenburg, published in Swedish newspapers. In addition to analyzing how the writers framed NMR's right to demonstrate we have, with the qualitative method argumentation analysis, analyzed the writers' attitudes toward NMRS's right to demonstrate. We find the two most prevalent frames are legal framing (29 out of 88) and democracy framing (28 out of 88). Other than that little consensus can be found amongst the writers on the topic of NMR's right to demonstrate.

The constitution of ELCSA was adopted in the constitutional assembly held on 15 to 19 December 1975 at Rustenburg, Tlhabane. The constitution of South Africa was adopted on 08 May 1996 and amended on 11 October 1996 by the constitutional assembly. It is obvious from this situation that the ELCSA constitution was put together and adopted during the rule of the National Party in consideration of the constitution of South Africa at the time. This suggests that the bill of rights was not taken into account when the constitution of ELCSA was written. The church‘s top down management system of administration is questionable. The harmony of rights and the ELCSA constitution was tested. The labour relations requirements are not taken into consideration by the ELCSA constitution given the procedures followed to add in addressing employee disputes. The ELCSA constitution was critically evaluated for compliance. The areas of the South African Constitution that were not considered at the initial stage of the church constitution were identified during the study. It is imperative though that the Church should not find her self-making concessions on issues that are contrary to Christian beliefs and norms that form the basis of the faith. Dr Martin Luther’s two kingdoms provided some guidance when the church was under pressure regarding certain issues that are required by the law of the country. Particularly the church does not condone abortion. In this study it was established that some areas require the church to mobilise and challenge the state. The study is concluded by a discussion of areas that present conflict between the church and legal requirements, areas that the church is omitting to do and areas that the church has to take a stand on. This discussion included recommendations that the church has to consider ensuring that legislation is complied with and that there is no conflict with the church constitution. / Dissertation (MA(Theology) Church History)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted