A refugee reception has been placed in Kungshall, one of Nybros residential areas. The area has a bad reputation and there are arguably prejudices about the area from the local population. I therefore want to investigate if an ethnic residential segregation exists in Kungshall, from a postcolonial perspective. The following research questions have been formulated: How do residents who doesn’t live in the refugee reception, look at ethnic residential segregation in Nybro? How has Kungshall changed since the refugee reception? Does a cultural racism exist in Kungshall?   The study is a qualitative study using semi structured interviews of four people living in the residential area, a person who has moved out of the area and a person working on the housing corporation “Nybro bostads AB”, who is one of the housing corporation responsible for the residential area Kungshall. The study is based on post-colonial theory. According to all the interviewees, there is an uneven balance between Swedes and immigrants in the neighborhood. And according to all the interviewees living in the area, too many refugees have been placed in Kungshall, and the residential area has changed for the worse in recent history. One of the interviewees has already moved, and the others living in the area either know someone who has moved out of the area or is planning to themselves. And the main reason to ethnic residential segregation is often explained in terms of cultural differences between “us-and- them”: between the refugees and the others. It is clear from the interviews that there is a cultural racism among people and the main reason for people moving out of the area could arguably be related to cultural racism.

This is a qualitative study with an argumentation and discourse approach with the purpose to compile what the Swedish democrats (SD) and the Nordic resistance movement (NMR) writes about religion in their current party program. The two main questions in this study were as follows: Are there any signs of islamophobia, antisemitism or cultural racism in the party programs of Swedish democrats and the Nordic resistance movement and how is this expressed? also Is it religion that is more represented as threat in each party program? The main theories that are discussed in this study are islamophobia, antisemitism and cultural racism. The result of the study shows that the Nordic resistance movement have many arguments that are antiemetic, and this organization especially believes that we live in a world where majority of medias and politicians are controlled by a Zionist elite group. The study of The Swedish democrat’s party program shows that many arguments have cultural racism intendencies and that the party favorites Christianity in their party program.

Employing critical race theory as a theoretical and analytical framework, this thesis explores the nature, structure and purpose of Islamophobic discourse, and offers two central contributions to the scholarly debate on Islamophobia. First, it contributes to the literature on the nature of Islamophobia by analysing the form and structure of discourse that seeks to represent Muslims and Islam in a number of social and political sites. Second, the thesis addresses a significant gap identified in the scholarly literature, which has largely overlooked the purpose that Islamophobic discourse serves for those employing it. In order to address the nature and structure of Islamophobic discourse, the thesis analyses representations of Muslims and Islam in dominant national community cohesion and counterterrorism discourses; rearticulation of these discourses at the local level in the West Midlands town of Dudley; the use of Islamophobic discourse by the English Defence League; and the ways in which Islamophobic narratives were used to mark national boundaries in Switzerland, Denmark, the Netherlands and France. I explain the convergence of narratives across these levels by extending Ghassan Hage's theoretical formulation of racism as nationalist practices to Islamophobic discourse and argue that, as a cultural racism, Islamophobia can be conceptualised as upholding a system of Eurocentric supremacy, where Western subjects receive a better social, economic and political 'racial contract' and seek to defend these privileges against real and imagined Muslim demands. Whether employed for local, national or civilisational purposes, Islamophobia relies on the notion that space has been culturally compromised by Muslims and must be restored to authenticity by legitimate non-Muslim cultural managers. Islamophobia operates through a three-stage ideological process, and restores fantasised power to those who perceive Muslim cultural difference to be unacceptably changing the spaces in which they reside by representing Muslims as making incongruous demands of a territory, singling out a particular timeless value that is under threat, and reifying this value to an absolute. Through this process Muslims are put back in their place, while those employing this discourse experience a restoration of their cultural power to decide the values of a space.

Like elsewhere in Europe, the tides of nationalist right-wing rhetoric in Sweden have become instrumental in generating a wave of anti-liberal and anti-immigration sentiments in politics and media. In particular, one branch of right-wing alternative media has become a breeding ground for normalizing such rhetoric. Does the anti-immigration stance in such media disguise racist inclinations? In this thesis we examine the discourse of three right-wing alternative media sites in Sweden to explore the possible employment of different types of racism in their articles. By taking the constructivist viewpoint and adopting the post-colonial conceptions of the 'Self' and the 'Other', racist discourse was analyzed and characterized as either biological or cultural. From these two theories, we derived concepts concerning descriptions of contemporary and ideal Swedish society that will be used as further indicators of racist discourses. In this single case study, 94 articles from Fria Tider, Nya Tider, and Samhällsnytt were analyzed on the topics of immigration, integration and crime through a qualitative content analysis. The results show that most of the articles contain cultural racist discourse.

Social mixing går ut på att ’mixa’ befolkning av olika klasser i ett bostadsområde med syfte att förändra områdets sociala sammansättning. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka social mixing som urban utvecklingsstrategi i Köpenhamn utifrån boendes egna upplevelser av sina bostadsområden. I Danmark definieras 29 bostadsområden som ”ghetton” utifrån kriterier rörande de boendes anknytning till arbetsmarknaden, ”icke-västliga” härkomst samt kriminalitet. Semistrukturerade intervjuer har genomförts med 16 invånare i tre av Köpenhamns marginaliserade bostadsområden och genererat empiri kring deras erfarenheter av social mixing. Empirin samt bostadspolitiken som avser att ”skapa en bättre balans i boendesammansättningen” diskuteras mot bakgrund av tidigare forskning som anammar ett revanchistiskt alternativt emancipatoriskt förhållningssätt till social mixing och gentrifiering. Studien identifierar komplexa aspekter av social mixing; majoritetsbefolkningens än mer privilegierade ställning och ”resurssvagas” försämrade situation på bostadsmarknaden; majoritetsbefolkningens försprång i den lokala maktens rum; minoriteters upplevelser av vissa segregerade rum som fristäder; kampen om rummet när fristäderna utmanas; samt flera aspekter som försvårar möten mellan boende och gentrifierare. Alternativa förhållningssätt identifieras från de boendes berättelser. De empiriska fynden nyanserar dessutom tidigare forskning om betydelsen av ’det egna valet’ i relation till bosättning i marginaliserade bostadsområden.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the media discussions of the rape in Bjästa 2009 and to reveal how stereotypical illusions of ethnicity, religion and gender affect how media understands and defines violence. The rape in Bjästa occurred in a “Swedish context” but has been defined as honor related in other arenas outside media. This discussion occurred because the whole village turned against the woman that was raped and supported the perpetrator– a phenomena that speaks against the idea of an equal society and a behavior that is usually understood as honor related and something that the ‘others’ do. Therefore, I have chosen to investigate one case without comparing it to another, because the discussions of this particular case reflect how the debate about men’s violence against women and honor related violence generally is presented. I have argued that when a perpetrator practices men’s violence against women it is described and explained as something individual and as a result of psychological issues whereas honor related violence is explained as a collective action with cultural influences. I have examined 35 articles and 5 blog articles by using a critical analysis method and have specifically been interested in what explanations are used due to the fact that the involved were Swedish but were participating in a collective action of legitimating violence. The results show that the collective behavior is being explained by new explanations such as mass psychosis and collective cultures (that only occur in smaller cities). The strategy behind this is to separate and define the Bjästa case as something “unswedish” so the Swedish nation can uphold an image as an equal and individual society – and in the same time uphold the idea of honor related violence as something foreign and “imported”.

A review written by Dagens Nyheter displays that in Sweden in 2021, patients are allowed to choose a doctor and a dentist based on their ethnicity and skin color. This occurs systematically throughout the country. The purpose of the thesis is that with the method qualitative case study, Jan Jämte’s general review of racism as a theoretical framework and supporting material on guidelines and laws in the field, analyze whether the case regarding patients being able to choose a doctor and a dentist with only Swedish origin are counted as racism or not. Moreover, the purpose is to analyze which form (s) this case is based on. The thesis’ intention is also to analyze whether the health center and dental care violate ethical guidelines and laws. This study concludes that this case is a coexistence of purely biological and cultural racism. Moreover, the study concluded that healthcare and dentistry violated both laws and their own ethical guidelines.

The economic sustainability of an area is largely dependent on the education level of its population, yet little is known about the role cultural racism may play in academic success. The purpose of this correlational study was to evaluate the theory of cultural racism, defined as, the establishment of cultural institutions by whites/Europeans to the detriment of non-white people, as it relates to academic success at the college level. Data were collected from 100 participants from 3 predominately African American high schools in the Atlanta, Georgia area to explore whether the presence of cultural racism existed from the perspective of the participants, and the impact of cultural racism, income, and status as a first generation college student on self-reported academic success. Data were collected through a web-based survey which included the Index of Race-Related Stress questions and analyzed using logistic regression. Study results indicated a statistically significant relationship (p < .01) between the elements of cultural racism and academic success, suggesting that students who experienced cultural racism also experienced poor academic performance. Other variables, including income and whether the student was a first generation college student, also contributed to the overall collegiate academic achievement among this population. Indicators of positive social change stemming from this study include recommendations to policy makers at all levels of government to enhance diversity training for students and educators about the implications of cultural racism in order to ameliorate its negative effects, thereby promoting more economically stable and diverse communities.

News reports in relation to criminality are often considered a trustworthy and factual source of information. However, media consumers often disregard the discourses within the content they consume as well as the power structures it reproduces. News criminality discourses, in particular, are expressions of power that contextualize and shape identity configurations as well as social relations. It is these discourses that reproduce patterns of inequality in a trickle-down manner. Following a period of mass immigration, the Swedish crime and criminality discourse has blended with the immigration discourse in news articles with ethnonationalist undertones. With the purpose to identify the descriptions of different entities and agents depicted in the crime and criminality discourse and the relationships the press establishes between these groups, this thesis applies elements from Critical Discourse Analysis to analyze 72 newspaper articles (36 from Aftonbladet and 36 from Expressen). This analysis highlights the presence of a spectrum of righteousness by which the press places European identities on the right end of the spectrum opposite to nonwestern immigrant identities. Such discourses elevate European identities and legitimize intolerant attitudes which limit newcomers’ access to resources and opportunities for upward social mobility. Additionally, this analysis relates previous findings to the Swedish context and presents possible implications that the blending of these discourses has had on the integration process and social cohesion overall.

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.