Extreme right-wing violence has increased in recent years. Social media technologies and self-made media platforms have allowed extreme right-wing groups to create and push narratives online. These narratives have inspired others to act outside of the digital world and commit horrendous [GH1] attacks targeting minorities. These narratives are also published in a hybrid media system where audience-driven content is favored by social media, rather than objective and correct content. Therefore, it is important to understand the use of digital storytelling and social media technologies in a political context to push political views and stories online. This thesis studied how The Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM) uses digital storytelling strategies to build and push narratives on Twitter and self-made media platforms. This was conducted through a network and qualitative content analysis. 400 000 tweets were collected using Twitter’s API from 1/1-2022 to 31/3-2022. The outcome indicates that NRM dilutes its hateful narrative on Twitter but uses digital storytelling to evoke interest in the movement and combines it with influential hashtags according to the network analysis to force users onto self-made media platforms. This is when the narrative changes to the extreme. The study concludes that NRM uses social media in combination with its digital storytelling to attract users from traditional political spaces on Twitter through intriguing storytelling as part of an initiation process to attract new members and visitors to their self-made media platforms. Further research is suggested to be done on media ecology concerning self-made media platforms to gain further insight into how the platforms affect each other and the storytelling in the hybrid media system.

This Paper presents a case study of one individual’s trajectory through violent national socialist movement in Sweden. Here, do i offer a case study of one person’s trajectory into, through and out of national socialist extremism in Sweden, it is based primarily on a face-toface interview with ”Emil”. Although the reliance on a single case study will limit generalizability, it nevertheless provides an opportunity to deeply explore an important phenomenon. The Research area in this study covers is one under development. The study's contribution in general is with further theory development as well as a further oral narrative story of the individual experience of an individual's path through the national socialist environment in Sweden. What this case study hase presented is how the success of the Sweden Democrats in recent years has facilitated the recruitment process for the Nordic resistance movement, as well as illustrating the staging of the process, and the central mechanisms in entry- and exitprocess and demonstrated the relationship between these.

This thesis paper set out to investigate the research puzzle of why some nonviolent conflicts lead to democratisation while others do not, as well as what explains this variation. A time series, cross-case comparison between the Arab Spring revolutions of Tunisia and Egypt was conducted exploring the link between organisational structure of prominent organisations participating in the movement and the success or failure of the countries’ later democratisation efforts. The hypothesis formulated claims that formal organisational structures are more likely to lead to successful democratisation. After the empirical material was collected, the results of the analysis lead to the conclusion that there is a link between organisational structure and successful or failed democratisation via the mediating variables of clear leadership and the presence of durable organisations. Afterwards, the limitations of the study are discussed. To strengthen the existing body of literature, potential avenues for future research are presented.

This essay examines how different antisemitic attitudes, conspiracy theories and ideas are communicated through the party program of the Nordic resistance movement (in Swedish ‘Nordiska motståndsrörelsen). The Nordic resistance movement is one of Sweden’s leading right-wing extremist groups and is a national socialist organisation and political party. The ideology of the Nordic resistance movement is heavily influenced by antisemitic beliefs, and they see the world through a prism where the society is occupied by a global Jewish conspiracy. To be available to identify the patterns of antisemitism in the party program, I have gathered and used previous research about antisemitism. Through research, I have explained and created different ideal types of antisemitism that have their own characteristics. The ideal types are then used in an ideal-type analysis on the party program to identify what types of antisemitism that are present. In summary, the analysis show that all types of antisemitism are expressed in the party program with the perception of a global Jewish conspiracy and cultural Marxism at is core.

This case study aims to explore the social sustainability in a middle-sized city with extreme-right wing presence. The chosen middle-sized city had the Nordic Resistance Movement, an extreme and violent organisation with Nazi-ideology, in the local government election period 2014-2018. Even though the Nordic Resistance Movement is not in the local government, currently they still have social influence in the city. Schools in the middle-sized city have been under extra pressure due to propaganda on school areas and recruitment efforts. The Swedish government specifically target youth in relation to extremism because youth and children are considered a risk group for all forms of extremism. A selected group of youth, forty in total, in the middle-sized city answered an attitude survey, and four of them answered semi-structured interviews to give a deeper understanding of the survey answers. The results from the survey and interviews show that the youth had strong opinions on the presence of the Nordic Resistance Movement in their hometown. A majority of the youth perceived that Nordic Resistance Movement was present and made contact attempts in town, on social media and with graffiti and pamphlets. Furthermore, the youth responded that they wanted harder actions towards extreme-right wing organisations from the school, media, police and the justice system. Finally, the youth answered that adults around them could be both with and against the Nordic Resistance Movement, the same with the respondents themselves, indicating a polarised civil society. As for the future, the youth answered that they believe that the Nordic Resistance Movement will increase in the future, and they wanted harder regulations from the government to hinder an increase of the Nordic Resistance Movement. The social sustainability in the middle-sized city is not lost according to the youths, it can be sustainable with the help of governmental support.

The purpose of this study is to contribute to a greater knowledge and understanding of violent discourses within the Far Right community with emphasizes on online violent content. The study has, by analyzing the narrative, identified four discursive strategies used by the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) in order to legitimize violence. By studying three texts in the time span of fifteen years published by the organization, the ambition is to identify a change in the discourse of violence.   Today’s society is greatly influenced by the presence of the Internet. The rise of populist political parties in European and American counties etc. has lead to discussions regarding the cause of this phenomenon. A reoccurring debate is if the Internet is to blame for this, since it is accessible for most people, with non-or little legislative control regarding credibility. What can be stated for a fact, however, is that these forces are once again gaining more support and power. Due to this, finding explanations for this turn of event, which is updated to the society that we live in now is of importance. In order to understand this phenomenon the study has examined the Far Right organization the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR). In the empirical part of the thesis four themes of violent discourses were identified; the enemies, the threat, family politics and women’s role in society and community-building processes. The four discursive strategies identified are in accordance with the chosen methodological framework, namely, critical discourse analysis. Aforementioned discursive strategies and analysis questions which, framed the empirical material, were analysed through the lenses of Norman Fairclough’s theory three-dimensional conception of discourse. In the discourses, amongst other things, it could be identified that the discourses had indeed become more violent.

Enbridge has proposed the Line 3 “Replacement” Project, a new pipeline project taking a new route strait through Anishinaabe treaty territory in what is known as northern Minnesota. In the middle of the regulation process, the future remains unclear of how the State of Minnesota will move forward with the permitting process, but Anishinaabe communities, a range of non-profit organizations, and local landowners remain firmly against the line. Rooted in varied frameworks of Native sovereignty, the land, and Indigenous feminism, Anishinaabe communities lead the resistance against a product of ongoing settler colonialism, racial capitalism, and environmental racism. This thesis contextualizes the multi-tactical repertoires of those defending the land in the existing work of Indigenous scholars who write on the necessity for land-based resistance towards the unsettling process of decolonization. Ultimately, the resistance against Line 3 is representative of a long-term battle for Native sovereignty and self-determination in defense of the land and future generations.

The task of this diploma thesis is to describe events in years 1939-1945 which took place in Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and which had also specific impacts on the central-Bohemian town of Příbram. The thesis is based on written sources of information held in State Regional Archive in Příbram, accessible literature and at last but not least memories of personal observers who lived through the war when they were children. In this work I concentrate on the impacts of the war on lives of ordinary people who suffered their personal tragedies and experienced encounters that completely changed their lives. The thesis is divided into 7 chapters. First chapter deals with the history of Příbram beginning with prehistory and finishing with contemporary days. This chapter also mentions Svatá Hora and Březové Hory because these places create an important part of the location. Second chapter describes the situation right before the war and feelings of people towards the declaration of the protectorate. The next chapter talks about the history of Mining Technical University which was a part of the town nearly for 100 years. The university, as well as many other schools of this type, was closed and some of its students were arrested and deported to the concentration camp Sachsenhausen. Fourth charter is about Jewish and Gipsy question which is a quite popular topic even today. Fifth chapter includes description of the atmosphere of everyday life during the war through children´s eyes but also cultural life of the town. Sixth chapter focuses on the period of the great terror after the assassination of Reinhard Heydrich, which influenced also people in Příbram. The last chapter speaks about the fight of Czech people to re-establish the independent state in which people from Příbram and its surroundings participated as well. This chapter also deals with the last fight in the central Europe which took place near the town of Příbram. The thesis combines general context and particular events happening in Příbram and it tries to look closely at the period of the Second World War full of anxiety, worries and hope.

On september 30th 2017 the Nordic Resistance Movement (NMR) demonstrates, on the same day as the Gothenburg book fair and the jewish holy day Yom Kippur takes place. Not least opinion piece-writers wrote about the demonstration, in newspapers fron Piteå in the north and Ystad in the south. With the use of framing theory we have, by method of quantitative analysis, analyzed 88 of the opinion pieces on the subject of NMR's right to demonstrate in Gothenburg, published in Swedish newspapers. In addition to analyzing how the writers framed NMR's right to demonstrate we have, with the qualitative method argumentation analysis, analyzed the writers' attitudes toward NMRS's right to demonstrate. We find the two most prevalent frames are legal framing (29 out of 88) and democracy framing (28 out of 88). Other than that little consensus can be found amongst the writers on the topic of NMR's right to demonstrate.

Social media is increasingly being used as a forum to engage in political events and using different kinds of social platforms has become an easier and faster way to conveying political messages to the outside world. The purpose of this study is to investigate how the social media platform YouTube is used as an instrument for a resistance movement and how the content in these videos are continuously changing by studying a specific case that takes place over a long period of time. Using a content analysis, this study analyzed visual materials in form of livestream videos on YouTube about the resistance movement in Hong Kong during June, July, September, and October 2019. The analyzed videos are strategically selected from a specific YouTube channel named China Uncensored, where the authors of the content give a very transparent visual of the resistance movement. To analyze the YouTube videos, a coding scheme was constructed with five starting point for respective video: the purpose, the target, the alliance, criticism types, and the level of violence for the resistance movement. In conclusion the use of YouTube as an instrument for a resistance movement in form of livestream videos has shown positive effects due to its realistic, unedited, and transparent visual of reality. This way the content has high validity, which makes YouTube livestream videos a great tool of resistance on social media. The study also answers the question regarding the changes in the livestream videos, that the goal and level of violence of the movement constantly changed during the selected timeline. / Sociala medier används alltmer som ett forum för att engagera sig i politiska händelser och att använda olika typer av sociala plattform har blivit ett enklare och snabbare sätt att förmedla politiska budskap till omvärlden. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur den sociala medieplattformen Youtube används som ett instrument för en motståndsrörelse och hur innehållet i dessa videor kontinuerligt förändras genom att studera ett specifikt fall som äger rum under en lång tidsperiod. Med hjälp av en innehållsanalys analyserade denna studie visuella material i form av livesändningar på Youtube om motståndsrörelsen i Hong Kong under juni, juli, september och oktober 2019. De analyserade videorna är strategiskt utvalda från en specifik Youtube-kanal där författarna till innehållet ger en mycket transparent bild av motståndsrörelsen. För att analysera Youtube-filmerna konstruerades ett kodningsschema med fem utgångspunkt för respektive video: syftet, målet, alliansen, kritiktyper och våldsnivån för motståndsrörelsen. Resultatet visar att användningen av YouTube som ett instrument för en motståndsrörelse i form av livesändningar visat positiva effekter på grund av dess realistiska, oredigerade och transparenta visuella verklighet. På detta sätt har innehållet hög validitet, vilket gör YouTube-livesändningar till ett bra verktyg för motstånd på sociala medier. Studien svarar också på frågan angående förändringarna i dessa videon, att rörelsens mål och våldsnivå ständigt förändrades under den valda tidsperioden.