In 1987, the Supreme Court of Canada rejected arguments that the freedom of association in section 2(d) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (hereafter, the Charter) protected a positive right to bargain collectively over working conditions. Between 1987 and 2007, the Supreme Court's jurisprudence on freedom of association was marked by certain tensions. In particular, the Court rejected arguments that freedom of association could have a collective dimension. In addition, the Court adopted a so-called negative approach to freedom of association, stating that section 2(d) of the Charter could not be used to create obligations for the state. The idea that freedom of association conferred negative (as opposed to positive) individual protection against state interference is typical of a liberal view of rights and freedoms. However, in 2007, in Health Services, the Supreme Court relied on underlying Charter values (specifically autonomy, liberty, equality, democracy and dignity) to extend constitutional protection to the right to collective bargaining. In 2015, this constitutional protection was extended to the right to strike. The use of moral values in constitutional adjudication is widespread. In Canada, Charter values are used both to interpret Charter provisions and to weigh competing rights, notably in the proportionality exercise under section 1 of the Charter. Using moral reconstruction as a methodological approach, this thesis examines the use of the values identified in Health Services throughout the Supreme Court's body of case law. From these values, the thesis develops a so-called republican reconstruction of freedom of association. While liberalism emphasises the freedom of the individual from the state, republicanism aims to ensure non-domination in both the private and public spheres. Equality, when considered from a republican perspective, becomes relational equality. Republicanism is particularly relevant to labour law, which is based on a relationship of subordination identified by republican theorists as a relationship of domination. The final chapter of the thesis explores alternative models for protecting republican freedom in the workplace.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in English and Afrikaans / Die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika en die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge verleen aan werknemers die reg om te staak. Die reg is egter nie onbeperk nie. Op grond van die voldoening aan wetlike vereistes, word stakings as beskermd of onbeskermd geklassifiseer. Beskermde stakers kan ontslaan word weens wangedrag tydens die staking of op grond van die bedryfsvereistes van die werkgewer. Die werkgewer se bedryfsvereistes sal ontslag regverdig indien sy /haar vlak van toleransie bereik is. Dit sal die geval wees indien die werkgewer se besigheid met ondergang gedreig word of onherroeplike skade gaan ly, sou die staking voortduur. Aile relevante faktore moet egter in ag geneem word. Daar is nie tans 'n vasgestelde toets in die verband nie en daar word ook aan die hand gedoen dat billikheid, met inagneming van al die relevante faktore en omstandighede, die belangrikste oorweging moet wees. 'n Vasgestelde toets vir die bepaling van die werkgewer se vlak van toleransie, word afgekeur. / The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and the Labour Relations Act give employees the right to strike. This right is, however, not unlimited. By reason of the satisfaction of statutory requirements, strikes are classified as protected or unprotected. Protected strikers may be dismissed for misconduct during the strike or by reason of the operational requirements of the employer. The employer's operational requirements will justify dismissal when his/her level of tolerance is reached. This will be the case when the employer's business is on the brink of extinction or about to suffer irreparable harm. All the relevant facts must however be taken into account. Currently there is no definite test in this regard and it is proposed that fairness, taking into account all the relevant facts and circumstances, be the overriding consideration. A specific test for the determination of the employer's level of tolerance must be rejected. / Economics and Management Sciences / LL.M.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in English and Afrikaans / Die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika en die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge verleen aan werknemers die reg om te staak. Die reg is egter nie onbeperk nie. Op grond van die voldoening aan wetlike vereistes, word stakings as beskermd of onbeskermd geklassifiseer. Beskermde stakers kan ontslaan word weens wangedrag tydens die staking of op grond van die bedryfsvereistes van die werkgewer. Die werkgewer se bedryfsvereistes sal ontslag regverdig indien sy /haar vlak van toleransie bereik is. Dit sal die geval wees indien die werkgewer se besigheid met ondergang gedreig word of onherroeplike skade gaan ly, sou die staking voortduur. Aile relevante faktore moet egter in ag geneem word. Daar is nie tans 'n vasgestelde toets in die verband nie en daar word ook aan die hand gedoen dat billikheid, met inagneming van al die relevante faktore en omstandighede, die belangrikste oorweging moet wees. 'n Vasgestelde toets vir die bepaling van die werkgewer se vlak van toleransie, word afgekeur. / The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa and the Labour Relations Act give employees the right to strike. This right is, however, not unlimited. By reason of the satisfaction of statutory requirements, strikes are classified as protected or unprotected. Protected strikers may be dismissed for misconduct during the strike or by reason of the operational requirements of the employer. The employer's operational requirements will justify dismissal when his/her level of tolerance is reached. This will be the case when the employer's business is on the brink of extinction or about to suffer irreparable harm. All the relevant facts must however be taken into account. Currently there is no definite test in this regard and it is proposed that fairness, taking into account all the relevant facts and circumstances, be the overriding consideration. A specific test for the determination of the employer's level of tolerance must be rejected. / Economics and Management Sciences / LL.M.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T11:21:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 KAROLINNE PIRES VITAL.pdf: 1486306 bytes, checksum: fb3199b62841dce481c08d2f668e3bff (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-15 / This work deals with the struggle, still unfinished, the conquest of the right to strike by Brazilian civil servants. So was collected extensive documentation mainly writing great press about the swell of strike movements since the 1960s. The survey showed that, in addition to specific claims, federal civil servants and state of the federal unit of Goias, claimed rights universally recognized to the working class, such as the rights to organize and strike. Search It will show how, in a moment of culmination of the resistance forces and public demonstration of the working class against the military regime, reflux of the interests of the wealthy classes and the reactionary and conservative positions, the right to strike of public servants over being recognized by the Constitution of 1988. However, this constitutional achievement was never effectively guaranteed for this category of workers. This is the central problem of this work: seeking to understand the reasons why the new rights were won by public servants. The historical narrative will show that after the constitutional process, the forces of the labor movement were not sufficient to ensure, in the legislative bodies of the country, either in the executive branch, and even next to the judiciary spheres, recognition of the constitutional right acquired. Made this effort to historicize the subject nationwide, dedicating shall be a final chapter to detail the participation of the State of Goiás in the whole of this process. / Este trabalho trata da luta, ainda inconclusa, pela conquista do direito de greve por parte dos servidores públicos brasileiros. Assim, recolheu-se uma ampla documentação, sobretudo, da grande imprensa escrita, sobre o avolumar dos movimentos grevistas desde a década de 1960. Esse levantamento mostrou que, além das reivindicações pontuais, os funcionários públicos federais e os estaduais da unidade federativa de Goiás, reivindicaram direitos universalmente reconhecidos para a classe trabalhadora, tais como os direitos de sindicalização e de greve. Procurar-se-á mostrar como, em um momento de culminância das forças de resistência e manifestação pública das classes trabalhadoras contra o Regime Militar, de refluxo dos interesses das classes abastadas e das posições reacionárias e conservadoras, o direito de greve do funcionalismo público acabou sendo reconhecido pela Constituição Federal de 1988. Porém, essa conquista constitucional não chegou a ser efetivamente garantida para esta categoria de trabalhadores. Este é o problema central do presente trabalho: buscar compreender as razões pelas quais os novos direitos foram conquistados pelos servidores públicos. A narrativa histórica irá mostrar que, depois do processo constituinte, as forças do movimento trabalhista não foram suficientes para garantir, nas casas legislativas do país, tampouco junto ao Poder Executivo, e sequer junto às esferas do Poder Judiciário, o reconhecimento do direito constitucional adquirido. Feito este esforço de historiar o tema em âmbito nacional, dedicar-se-á um último capítulo para detalhar a participação do Estado de Goiás no conjunto desse processo.

Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2018. / The principle of the right to strike is internationally documented, as determined by the Committee on Freedom of Association. In South Africa, the right to strike is enshrined and protected in Section 23 of the country's Constitution under its Bill of Rights. Under specific circumstances, the Constitution allows for legislation to limit a right listed in Section 23. At the same time, the Constitution guarantees that everyone has the right to life and health care services. South African industrial action is regulated by the Labour Relations Act (LRA) No. 66 of 1995, as amended, which precludes workers who are employed in essential services from striking, because interruption of these services may endanger lives. However, the LRA also provides for the conclusion of a Minimum Service Agreement (MSA), where minimum services replace essential services. No MSA has been ratified since the LRA was promulgated in 1995. It is on this premise that the author investigated the mechanisms which have been put in place to create a balance between the right to strike and the need to provide essential services in the event of a strike. This study used a qualitative research design. Open-ended questionnaires were distributed to the target research sample. Purposive sampling was applied to a total of 30 participants who were selected from the Western Cape Department of Health's essential services. The qualitative data was analysed using theme identification to make sense of the findings. The research results reveal that employees who are providing essential services have the right to strike only if certain conditions are met. One of these conditions is the conclusion of a Minimum Service Agreement (MSA) to ensure a balance between the rights of health workers to strike and the rights of citizens to be provided with health care services. This agreement provides the duties and responsibilities of the employer and employees for the continuation of minimum services in the event of a public sector strike to ensure that service delivery is not interrupted. Specific recommendations are made by the researcher regarding the MSA, and measures are discussed to ensure that the minimum services within essential services remain operational in the event of a public sector strike.

Assurer un équilibre, entre les différentes parties du contrat du travail, a toujours été l'un des buts de la création de la branche du droit du travail. La mise en place des règles du droit du travail réside, certes, dans une finalité particulière ; elle est constituée par la volonté d'émanciper le travailleur même, dans l'espace de l'entreprise. C'est assurément dans le même dessein que, pour permettre aux libertés individuelles de ne pas rester à la lisière de l'entreprise, des droits d'expression collective ont été attribués aux travailleurs : la liberté syndicale, le droit de grève et le principe de participation. Il convient d'étudier la fondamentalité de ces droits, dans un champ qui doit nécessairement s'affranchir de tout ordre juridique national, en regard du caractère universel dont ils disposent. Mais encore faut-il partir de deux ordres internes pour mener une réflexion non superficielle. Comment ne pas dès lors partir du « pays des droits de l'homme » et du « quartier latin de l'Afrique », pour voir dans quelle mesure les droits fondamentaux de l'homme au travail sont partout respectés. La problématique de « mimétisme juridique » génère t-elle des difficultés sur le plan des garanties des libertés collectives des travailleurs en Afrique et, plus précisément, au Bénin ? Qu'en est-il de la réalité des droits fondamentaux de l'homme au travail dans l'ex Dahomey ? Telles sont les formes de questions auxquelles cette étude comparative des libertés collectives des travailleurs se propose d'apporter une esquisse de réponse. / To ensure a balance, between the different parts of the work contract, has always been the aim of the employment law creation. The implementation of the rules of employment law certainly has got a particular purpose. It is constituted by the wish to get the worker emancipated in the business space. It is certainly in the same purpose that, in order to enable individual liberties not to remain in the edge of the enterprise, those collective expressions rights were given to workers: the liberty of trade unions, the right to strike and the principle of participation. We will have to study the fundamental nature of those rights in a way which would be totally free of any national legal system, in regard of the universal character there have. However, we still have to start from two internal orders to reach a non-superficial reflexion. Then, why shall we not focus on the “human right country” and the “Latin district of Africa” to understand in which extent fundamental human rights regarding employment are respected everywhere. Does the “mimicry legal” issue generate difficulties in Africa workers' collective liberties and freedom field and more specifically in Benin? What about fundamental human rights regarding employment in ex Dahomey? That comparative study on worker's collective liberties will make an attempt to answer.

The right to strike and lock-out This master's thesis deals with the topic of the right to strike and right lock-out, which has proven to be a rather controversial theme in the Czech Republic and Czech law discourse. The thesis ponders the subject in its broad context in the Czech law environment as well as examines its relations towards International and European law context. The main aim is to provide a complex and through insight on the matter, define it and state its main challenges and pitfalls, and valorise Czech law environment around the strike. The structure of the thesis consists of two main parts. The first part focuses on the right to strike in detail and is divided into eight chapters, whereas the second part deals with the right to lock-out. The first chapter serves as an introductory to the examined matter and defines the basic terms such as "strike" or "walkout" and puts their meaning into the law context. Furthermore it describes various methods and kinds of strikes, actors and participants and scale of strikes. The second chapter examines the historical developments and ramifications. From medieval times to the state-capitalist dictatorships before the year 1989, it seeks to draw the main lines of development and the driving force behind it. The third chapter focuses on the related rules...

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-05T16:55:15Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO (2016 JUL 2016) Clélia Bonani.pdf: 1570056 bytes, checksum: 44c8d209da95e96d88e91b53b227b598 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-05T16:55:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) DISSERTAÇÃO (2016 JUL 2016) Clélia Bonani.pdf: 1570056 bytes, checksum: 44c8d209da95e96d88e91b53b227b598 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-28 / Este estudo enfoca questões sobre os movimentos sindicais, resgatando em seu histórico seus principais acontecimentos. Pois retomar a trajetória histórica desses movimentos no Brasil é importante para compreender a sua relevância nas relações trabalhistas. Os movimentos sindicais influenciaram também a organização dos servidores técnico-administrativos em educação, em relação à busca pela conquista de seus direitos. Neste trabalho é mostrado o contexto atual do sindicalismo no setor público, a partir do movimento sindical SINTUFEPE – Sindicato dos Trabalhadores das Universidades Federais de Pernambuco, procurando identificar os principais aspectos envolvidos. Através de lutas, das manifestações dos funcionários públicos e movimentações que muitos direitos foram conquistados. Neste trabalho também é trazido à tona a problemática do direito de greve do servidor público, já reconhecido constitucionalmente, contudo, a inexistência ainda da regulamentação por lei específica, os servidores são submetidos à mesma lei que rege o direito de greve no setor privado. / This study focuses on questions about the trade union movement, rescuing in its historical and in its main events. Because resuming the historical trajectory of these movements in Brazil is essential to understand its relevance in labor relations. The union movements influenced have also influenced the organization of technical admnistrative servers from the education, in the search for the conquest of their rights. This work shows the current context of trade unionism in the public sector, from the trade union movement SINTUFEPE - Union of Workers of the Federal University of Pernambuco, trying to identify the main issues involved. Across fights, and manifestations from civil servants and their movements, that many rights were conquered. This work also brought up the issue of the right of the public servant to strike. Even thought it is already constitutionally recognized, the absence of a specific law, causes that public servants still be submitted to the same laws governing the right to strike in the private sector.