In 1997 the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) initiated a project to promote and defend the right to information. This decision to engage proactively with human rights was a radical expansion of the profession�s self-conception. Applying an action research methodology, this study traces the development and implementation of the Free Access to Information and Freedom of Expression (FAIFE) initiative. It traces the origins of the decision, and assesses the outcomes of its first five years as it developed from a project into a continuing and central program of the Federation. Both the internal effects on IFLA and the consequences of the project for the profession of librarianship are explored. The thesis locates the key decision in the history of librarianship, its growth as a profession paralleling the development of libraries as institutions. In turn, the decision is also located in IFLA�s own history, and the way it survived and worked to advance the ideas and tools of librarianship amid difficult and changing international environments. The politics of professionalism is at the core of the study. The disturbing innovation which FAIFE represented took IFLA outside its traditional focus on the status and techniques of the profession, postulating a new role for the Federation. By investing librarianship with a higher responsibility, it has gone further than the now widely accepted expectation that professionals will place community interests before organisational and personal interests at all times. The responsibility to promote the fundamental human right to information has been embraced as the key principle underlying and informing library and information service, the touchstone for evaluating professional priorities. This locates the primary purpose of the profession outside the profession�s institutional base in a supranational, absolute and almost universally recognised social goal. Adopting these aspirations and this role carried many dangers for IFLA. It would inevitably seem a deviation into politics by some. It heightened the risks of both internal dissent and external criticism. It challenged the habitus of disinterested professionalism by invoking a more interventionist social responsibility for IFLA, its constituent library associations and the broader profession. It drew on evolving and contested understandings of professional responsibilities in a complex global environment and has redrawn the accepted boundaries of professional discourse in librarianship. At least so far, the consequences have been beneficial for IFLA, reinforcing its jurisdiction and strengthening the Federation. As an international federation of professional associations, IFLA faces particular challenges in working across diverse national traditions, ideologies and cultures. Its existence and effectiveness rest primarily on internal cohesiveness. Its capacity to develop the FAIFE initiative into a program without schism, and indeed with growing support, has strengthened rather than weakened its organisational capacities. Through that process IFLA has reinvented itself, to a considerable degree, as a form of transnational social movement organisation. It has developed strong relationships with other civil society organisations while maintaining its position as a respected international professional body. It has strengthened its position by becoming a vigorous advocate for the right to information, thereby becoming an actor in the growing international concern with human rights. This study of a decisive period in IFLA�s history offers a rare example of an international professional association in transition. In examining this project to promote unrestricted access to information as the reciprocal right of freedom of expression, the research is a case study of the politics of an expanding sense of professionalism. IFLA�s experience is pertinent to a range of other organisations, and is itself part of the realignment of international political discourse in response to the growing influence of international organisations and the priority of human rights in international political agendas.

In 1997 the International Federation of Library Associations and Institutions (IFLA) initiated a project to promote and defend the right to information. This decision to engage proactively with human rights was a radical expansion of the profession�s self-conception. Applying an action research methodology, this study traces the development and implementation of the Free Access to Information and Freedom of Expression (FAIFE) initiative. It traces the origins of the decision, and assesses the outcomes of its first five years as it developed from a project into a continuing and central program of the Federation. Both the internal effects on IFLA and the consequences of the project for the profession of librarianship are explored. The thesis locates the key decision in the history of librarianship, its growth as a profession paralleling the development of libraries as institutions. In turn, the decision is also located in IFLA�s own history, and the way it survived and worked to advance the ideas and tools of librarianship amid difficult and changing international environments. The politics of professionalism is at the core of the study. The disturbing innovation which FAIFE represented took IFLA outside its traditional focus on the status and techniques of the profession, postulating a new role for the Federation. By investing librarianship with a higher responsibility, it has gone further than the now widely accepted expectation that professionals will place community interests before organisational and personal interests at all times. The responsibility to promote the fundamental human right to information has been embraced as the key principle underlying and informing library and information service, the touchstone for evaluating professional priorities. This locates the primary purpose of the profession outside the profession�s institutional base in a supranational, absolute and almost universally recognised social goal. Adopting these aspirations and this role carried many dangers for IFLA. It would inevitably seem a deviation into politics by some. It heightened the risks of both internal dissent and external criticism. It challenged the habitus of disinterested professionalism by invoking a more interventionist social responsibility for IFLA, its constituent library associations and the broader profession. It drew on evolving and contested understandings of professional responsibilities in a complex global environment and has redrawn the accepted boundaries of professional discourse in librarianship. At least so far, the consequences have been beneficial for IFLA, reinforcing its jurisdiction and strengthening the Federation. As an international federation of professional associations, IFLA faces particular challenges in working across diverse national traditions, ideologies and cultures. Its existence and effectiveness rest primarily on internal cohesiveness. Its capacity to develop the FAIFE initiative into a program without schism, and indeed with growing support, has strengthened rather than weakened its organisational capacities. Through that process IFLA has reinvented itself, to a considerable degree, as a form of transnational social movement organisation. It has developed strong relationships with other civil society organisations while maintaining its position as a respected international professional body. It has strengthened its position by becoming a vigorous advocate for the right to information, thereby becoming an actor in the growing international concern with human rights. This study of a decisive period in IFLA�s history offers a rare example of an international professional association in transition. In examining this project to promote unrestricted access to information as the reciprocal right of freedom of expression, the research is a case study of the politics of an expanding sense of professionalism. IFLA�s experience is pertinent to a range of other organisations, and is itself part of the realignment of international political discourse in response to the growing influence of international organisations and the priority of human rights in international political agendas.

L'introduction du consentement en procédure pénale démontre la volonté du législateur d'impliquer l'auteur dans l'application de la réponse pénale. Le justiciable participe à la justice pénale par le biais de son consentement. L'introduction d'un consentement en procédure pénale mettrait ainsi en lumière la volonté du législateur de développer une justice plus centrée sur l'auteur et ses prérogatives, donc plus proche du justiciable, plus humaine. Pourtant, l'abandon progressif d'un modèle de justice transcendantale pour une justice dite consensuelle ne présente pas que des avantages pour le justiciable. En effet, la mise en place d'une justice intégrant le consentement de l'auteur n'est pas sans danger pour les droits et libertés fondamentaux de ce dernier. La mise en place progressive d'une justice dite plus pacificatrice et moins stigmatisante se fait au prix d'un sacrifice de certains droits processuel et du respect de la dignité. / Le citizen participates in the criminal justice by means of his consent. The introduction of consent in criminal procedure would so bring to light the will of the legislator to develop a justice more centred on the author and its privileges, thus closer of citizen, more human. Nevertheless, the progressive abandonment (relinquishment) of a model of transcendental justice for a consensual said justice does not present that advantage for the citizen. Indeed, the implementation of a justice integrating (joining) the consent of the author is not without danger for the fundamental rights and the liberties of this last one. The progressive implementation of a pacificatorier said justice and less stigmatisante is made at the price (prize) of a sacrifice of certain rights processuel and a respect for the dignity.

The topic of this thesis is an examination of the issue of the justification of human rights from the perspective of three Czech thinkers: Božena Komárková, Jakub S. Trojan and Ladislav Hejdánek. While Komárková and Trojan choose a theological approach, Hejdánek prefers a purely philosophical method. With regards to their differing perspectives, the thesis asks several key questions: To what extent did Christianity affect human rights? Are human rights natural? How and how narrow is the interconnection between the conceptions of human rights, freedom, truth, justice and responsibility? The answers to these questions come mainly from a comparison of the concepts of the chosen thinkers. Although each of them chose a different method and held different views, they, interestingly, more or less agree in their answers to the questions asked. All three thinkers agreed that Christianity is an integral part of the origin and the development of the idea of human rights. In the same way, they all agreed on a critical attitude towards natural rights - although different considerations led them to this conclusion. Special attention is dedicated to how the given authors understood the concept of truth and how they included it in their conceptions of human rights and their justification. There is a parallel...

As the debate on greater socio-economic rights promulgated by China’s model of authoritarian capitalism or greater human rights and freedom championed by the US model of democratic governance continues to spread across developing countries, this thesis investigates how Africans perceive these two transnational political processes. This is an exploratory sequential mixed method research with data collected through an expert interview of 10 participants from 7 African countries and the quantitative data gotten from Afrobarometer Round 8 survey. This study permitted us to establish that the perception of Africans of these models of governance are shaped by the indicators of human rights and freedom and Foreign Direct Investments (FDI). The results of the study suggest that Africans perceive positively the US model of democratic governance on the promotion of human rights and Africans also perceive positively the impact of Western democratic countries’ FDI on the non-elite actors in Africa because of their level of transparency and accountability. On the other hand, the study suggests that Africans view negatively China’s model on both human rights as well as FDI. This is because of China’s disregard for human rights and principles of good governance in her interaction with African countries. Chinese FDI turn to profit the political elite class the more because of their lack of transparency and accountability. China’s model helps to perpetuate human rights violation and authoritarianism in Africa.

La volonté et l’exécution forcée de l’obligation apparaissent comme deux notions opposées : l’une renvoie à l’idée de liberté, alors que l’autre fait écho à celle de contrainte. Elles entretiennent pourtant des liens étroits. Ceux-ci ne sont pas à chercher dans le fondement du droit à l’exécution forcée dont le créancier est titulaire, et ce même lorsque l’obligation sur laquelle porte ce droit est née d’un accord de volontés. Si la volonté constitue un critère de définition de l’exécution forcée, son influence se manifeste surtout lors du régime de cette sanction. Elle intervient, en premier lieu, comme élément déclencheur, lors de la mise en œuvre des droits que la loi confère au créancier en cas d’inexécution de l’obligation. Elle est, en second lieu, susceptible de jouer un rôle en amont lors de l’aménagement conventionnel du droit à l’exécution forcée de l’obligation. Cette double influence de la volonté sur le prononcé de l’exécution forcée risque de porter atteinte aux intérêts des parties, ainsi qu’à des valeurs et principes supérieurs : les libertés et droits fondamentaux et la loyauté. Un contrôle judiciaire de la volonté, révélant les limites à l’influence de la volonté, doit ainsi être réalisé. Il assure la conciliation, d’une part, de l’utilité sociale de l’obligation, que sert le droit à l’exécution forcée, et de la liberté contractuelle avec, d’autre part, les libertés et droits fondamentaux et la loyauté. C’est à une juste conciliation de ces exigences, ainsi qu’à un encadrement du droit à l’exécution forcée et de son aménagement conventionnel auxquels aboutit l’étude de l’exécution forcée appréhendée sous l’angle de la volonté. / Willingness and specific performance may seem opposed, because the first one refers to freedom while the second one to constraint. Yet, willingness and specific performance are strongly linked. Those links are not to be found in the grounds of the creditor’s specific performance right, even if the obligation on which this right is based comes from an agreement between the parties. While willingness is a criterion used to define specific performance, it especially expresses its influence when it comes to the regime of this sanction. Firstly, willingness influences, as a trigger, the implementation of the rights given by the law to the creditor in case of unperformed obligation. Secondly, it is likely to have a role to play upstream when parties contractually agree on an arrangement of the obligation specific performance’s right.This double influence of willingness on specific performance imposition is likely to affect both party interests and greater value and principles such as individual fundamental rights and freedoms and loyalty. A judicial assessment of willingness, which would highlight the limits of willingness influence, must be carried out. It would combine on the one hand the social utility of obligation - which is provided by specific performance - and freedom of contract with, on the other hand, fundamental rights and freedoms and loyalty. This study on specific performance, viewed from a willingness perspective, results in providing a framework for both the specific performance right and its contractual arrangement as well as a fair conciliation of those requirements.

Cette thèse oppose les libertés et droits fondamentaux et l’avant-procès-pénal antiterroriste, son champ d'étude se limite à deux pays, la France et les Émirats. Cette comparaison a montré que ces deux législations choisies se ressemblent, ou plutôt qu'elles sont en voie de se ressembler quant à la procédure pénale de l'avant procès stricto sensu, mais qu'elles diffèrent sur le respect des droits de la personne faisant l'objet de ce procès. La ressemblance ne signifie pas, pour autant, qu'elles soient identiques, la France avait mis en place une justice dérogatoire en matière de terrorisme, alors que les Émirats ont préféré le choix de l'exception et ont également mis en place une justice spécialisée. En d'autres termes, il s'agit d'une compétence spécialisée, voire spéciale, qui a pour intérêt de centraliser et juger, non seulement ce qui se passe au sein du territoire national mais aussi dans l'ensemble de la planète, évoquant la question de la justice universelle en matière du terrorisme. De plus, les deux législations étudiées permettent à d'autres acteurs du champ non pénal d'interférer dans le cadre de l'avant jugement antiterroriste, notamment les acteurs militaires, les agents du renseignement et de sécurité privée, les unités de coordination, les diplomates et, les Émirats ajoutent les robots comme acteurs contribuant à la prévention du terrorisme. Cette ressemblance concerne aussi les mesures de contrainte pénale : les moyens de recherche de preuves et de privation/restriction de liberté d'aller et venir qui revêtent de caractère dérogatoire, voire l'exceptionnel. Cependant, ces ressemblances entre ces deux législations sont trompeuses, car au fond, elles se différencient quant au degré de respect des droits des personnes faisant l'objet de cette justice de l'antiterrorisme, notamment lorsque les Émirats bafouent l'ensemble des droits de la défense et les droits de faire l'objet d'un contrôle judiciaire, avant, pendant et après les mesures coercitives. / This thesis compares the fundamental rights and freedoms, and preliminary phase of the terrorist criminal procedure ; its focus is limited to two countries : France and the United Arab Emirates. This comparison shows that these chosen bodies of legislation are similar but that they differ when it comes to the respect of the rights of the person subject to these kind of law cases. The similarities do not mean, however, that the two systems are identical ; France has implemented a use of special dispensation in cases relating to terrorism, while the UAE has opted for a justice system which is both exceptional and specialized. In addition, the two jurisdictions allow other actors to intervene in this criminal field, including military actors, intelligence agencies and private security agents, diplomats, and the Emirates have added robots to the list of actors contributing to the prevention of terrorism. This similarity also concerns measures relating to criminal procedure : means of searching for evidence and restricting the suspect's freedom of movement. Concerning the first set of coercive measures, these are very sophisticated and detrimental to individual freedom, erasing the distinction between investigation and inquiryb ; and between preventive and repressive investigations. Regarding the deprivation of freedom of movement, French lawmakers have settled for setting up exemptions in terms of police custody and pre­trial detention, whereas Emirati lawmakers have created new and exceptional measures for removing certain rights : security detention and placement in rehabilitation centers. However, these similarities between these two sets of legislation are misleading, since essentially, they differ only in how far they respect the rights of those subject to the anti-terrorist regime. This is especially apparent in cases where the Emirates violates all rights to a defense and the right to judicial review before, during and after measures within the criminal procedure.

The thesis is focused on the legal regulation of protection of personality rights. This topic is up to date not only because of the media exposure, but also with regard to the recodification of private law. The focus of this thesis lies on Act no. 89/2012 Coll., Civil Code, which is compared to the antecedent legal regulation. The personality protection belongs to fundamental human rights therefore the thesis includes the constitutional overlap and interpretation of international agreements. The work is divided into six chapters. The first chapter deals with the development of personal rights from a historical perspective. There is also mentioned legislation of Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic. The second chapter deals with the interpretation of the concept of personality, the theoretical concept of general personality right and possibilities of its limitations. Part of this chapter shows a non-exhaustive list of values protected by the general personality right, namely the right to physical and mental integrity, the right to personal liberty, the right to a name, the right to likeness, the right to honor and dignity and right to privacy. The third chapter provides an overview of legal regulation of personality rights at the international and constitutional level, the general Civil Code...

The objective of this thesis is to provide an overview of general part of the protection of personality in the Czech legal system, as well as a detailed analysis of selected aspects of personal rights. The thesis focuses on protection provided by the Act Nr. 89/2012 Sb., Civil Code, and the European Convention on Human Rights. Initial chapters of the general part of the thesis deal with brief introduction to the historical background of personality rights in the Czech legal environment, as well as with the definition of personality and personality rights as such, together with a demonstrative list of values protected by the general right of personality. The subsequent chapter provides an overview of Czech and international sources of law concerning personality protection. Chapter four deals with lawful and unlawful interferences with personality rights. The final chapter of the general part outlines legal means of protection of personal rights available according to the Czech law. The special part of the thesis is dedicated to a deeper analysis of three aspects of protection of personal rights. Chapter six deals with one of the most important personal rights, the right to privacy. This chapter aims to introduce the broad concept of privacy, including case law of the European Court of Human Rights...

Le droit potestatif permet à son titulaire de créer, modifier ou éteindre la situation juridique d’autrui. La relation de travail, quant à elle, est empreinte d’une logique de pouvoir(s). Comment intégrer dans ces conditions le concept de droit potestatif au contrat de travail ? Comment ce dernier réceptionne-t-il la potestativité ? À quel prix la figure du droit potestatif s’adapte-t-elle ? Si les droits potestatifs sont acceptés dans le contrat de travail, ce n’est que de manière encadrée, dirigée, limitée. Les droits potestatifs sont alors contrôlés et sanctionnés par une jurisprudence qui entend en faire respecter l’esprit et les limites. Mais, parce que le droit potestatif s’exerce au moyen d’un acte unilatéral, parce qu’il s’agit de la faculté d’imposer sa volonté à autrui, les intérêts du destinataire ne doivent-ils pas a minima être préservés ? L’objet du contrat de travail, la subordination du salarié, pose ainsi notamment la question de la place à accorder aux droits et libertés fondamentaux du salarié. / A potestative right allows his holder to create, modify or extinguish another’s legal situation. The employment relation, as for it, is marked by a logic of power(s). How, in these conditions, does the concept of potestative right enter the employment contract? How does the latter receive the potestative right ? What sacrifices should be made by the potestative rights ?If potestative rights are accepted in the employment contract, it is only in a framed, supervised and limited way. Potestative rights are then controlled and sanctioned by judges willing to enforce both its spirit and limits.However, since the potestative right is applied through a unilateral act, because it concerns the ability to impose one’s will upon others, shouldn’t the interests of the recipient be preserved, at the very least? The object of the employment contract, the subordination of the employee, therefore leads towards the question of the place to begiven to the employee’s fundamental rights and freedoms.