I Sverige förekommer diskussioner om valfusk på sociala medier. Vid valet 2018 låg Valmyndighetens hemsida nere efter en överbelastningsattack, och fyra år senare sprids fortfarande teorier om att Valmyndigheten själva stängt ner sin hemsida för att påverka valresultatet (SvD, 2022). Twitter är en plattform där diskussioner om valfusk sker och där svensk politik diskuteras, det råder en oerhörd polarisering på plattformen kring detta ämne. I denna uppsats har vi med hjälp av en explorativ kartläggning undersökt hur förtroendet till demokratin möjligtvis kan urholkas genom att titta på förekomsten av narrativ om valfusk på Twitter, vår forskningsfråga lyder "hur och i vilken omfattning pratar man om valfusk innan, under och efter det svenska valet 2022". Vi har använt oss av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys för att analysera data från Twitter som handlar om valfusk under tidsperioden 1/8-22 fram till och med den 9/10-22. Vi har delat upp datasetet i tre delar, en period innan valet, en period som sträcker sig under valveckan samt en period som är tiden efter valet fram till den 9/10-22. Vi har kombinerat den kvalitativa innehållsanalysen med en kvantitativ innehållsanalys. Där vi genom deskriptiv statistik visar på förekomsten av de olika kategorierna vi tagit fram i materialet för att på så sätt identifiera i vilken utsträckning olika narrativ om valfusk förekommer i diskussioner om svenska valet 2022 på Twitter. Vårt resultat visar att tweetsen kring valfusk skiljer sig åt beroende på vilken period under valet som undersökts. I perioden innan valet var tweets som relaterar till att valfusk sker 66,5 procent av av det analyserade materialet. Dessa siffror skiftade i perioden under valet där motstånd mot narrativ om valfusk växte och utgjorde nästan lika stor andel som de som ansåg att valfusk sker (31 respektive 40,6 procent). Efter valet identifierade vi en ny kategori av tweets som var den näst största under den perioden (30,5 procent), efter de som anser att valfusk sker i svenska val. Det var de som ansåg att tweets om valfusk hade ökat om oppositionen ej vunnit riksdagsvalet, och att det istället blivit väldigt tyst från de individer som tidigare varit högljudda om att valfusk sker i svenska val. Diskussionen om valfusk är polariserad, där det är två ytterligheter som tampas mot varandra. 50 procent av det totala antalet inlägg som analyserats handlar om att valfusk pågår eller förväntas ske i svenska val, bland dessa inlägg riktas misstro till den svenska demokratin och det svenska valsystemet. Det uttrycks ett stort missnöje och hat mot de s.k "uråldriga" statliga medieinstitutionerna som anklagas för att vara en propagandamaskin för vänsterblockets räkning. Socialdemokraterna är det parti som överlägset mest anklagas för valfusk i debatten, 94,5 procent av alla inlägg som är riktade mot ett parti är riktade mot Socialdemokraterna. De anklagas för långvarig korruption, valfusk i tidigare val, där argumentet om att Socialdemokraterna är det enda partiet som blivit dömda för valfusk i domstol är vanligt förekommande. Huruvida narrativet om valfusk förändras för de olika tidsperioderna så visar resultatet att det är en större andel inlägg som påstår att valfusk sker i Sverige innan valet jämfört med under och efter valet. I datasetet efter valet handlar istället mycket kring diskussionen om valfusk om hur valresultatet hade gått åt andra hållet så hade det varit ett gigantiskt rop om valfusk från främst Sverigedemokrater / In Sweden, there are discussions about election fraud. At the 2018 election, the Swedish Election Authority's website was down after an overload attack, and four years later, theories and discussions are still spreading that the Swedish Election Authority itself shut down its website in order to influence the election results (SvD, 2022). Twitter is a platform where discussions about election fraud take place and where Swedish politics is discussed, there is an enormous polarization on the platform around this topic. In this essay, with the help of an exploratory survey, we have investigated how trust in democracy can possibly be eroded by looking at the prevalence of the spread of narratives about election fraud on Twitter, our research question is "how and to what extent do you talk about election fraud before, during and after the Swedish election in 2022". We have used a qualitative content analysis to analyze data from Twitter dealing with election fraud during the time period 1/8-22 up to and including 9/10-22. We have divided the data set into three parts, a period before the election, a period that extends during the election week and a period that is the time after the election until 9/10-22. We have combined the content of the qualitative analysis with a quantitative content analysis. Where we use descriptive statistics to show the existence of the different categories we developed in the material in order to identify the extent to which different narratives about electoral fraud appear in discussions about the Swedish 2022 election on Twitter. Our results show that the tweets about electoral fraud differ depending on which period during the election was examined. In the period before the election, tweets relating to election fraud were 66.5 percent of the analyzed material. These numbers shifted in the period during the election where opposition to the narrative of electoral fraud grew and constituted almost as large a proportion as those who believed that electoral fraud was taking place (31 and 40.6 percent, respectively). After the election, we identified a new category of tweets that was the second largest during that period (30.5 percent), after those who believe that electoral fraud occurs in Swedish elections. They were the ones who believed that tweets about electoral fraud would have increased if the opposition had not won the parliamentary election, instead the individuals who had previously been vocal about electoral fraud went silent. The discussion about electoral fraud is polarized, where two extremes are pitted against each other. 50 percent of the total number of posts analyzed are about electoral fraud taking place or expected to take place in Swedish elections, among these posts, a huge amount of mistrust of Swedish democracy and the Swedish electoral system is identified. There is great dissatisfaction and hatred expressed towards the so-called "ancient" state media institutions which are accused of being a propaganda machine on behalf of the left side. The Social Democrats are by far the party most accused of electoral fraud in the debate, 94.5 percent of all posts directed at any party are directed at the Social Democrats. They are accused of long-term corruption, electoral fraud in previous elections, where the argument that the Social Democrats are the only party that has been convicted of electoral fraud in court is common. Whether the narrative about election fraud changes for the different time periods, the results show that there is a greater proportion of posts that claim that election fraud takes place in Sweden before the election compared to during and after the election. In the data set after the election, instead, much of the discussion about election fraud is about how the election results had gone the other way, so there would have been a gigantic outcry about election fraud from mainly the Sweden Democrats.

Syftet med studien är att utifrån Sverigedemokraternas valkampanjfilm undersöka hur de planerade kommunikationsverktygen profil, identitet och image tolkas utifrån tre olika perspektiv. Under studiens gång har vi genomfört strukturerade intervjuer med tre medlemmar inom Sverigedemokraterna, en semiotisk filmanalys av partiets valkampanjfilm och utfört enkätundersökningar med 100 röstberättigade elever vid Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   Studiens resultat visar att Sverigedemokraternas profil stämmer överens med valkampanjfilmens identitet. Gällande image anser partiet att allmänhetens tolkning inte stämmer överens med partiets profil. Ett problem som Sverigedemokraterna säger sig ligga i att media har kommunicerat en felaktig bild av partiet.   Vår semiotiska filmanalys visar att Sverigedemokraternas budskap framgår tydligt i valkampanjfilmen genom att visa hur invandringen kostar mycket, samtidigt som pensionärerna blir drabbade. Studiens resultat visar även att mer än hälften av eleverna på Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet hade en negativ inställning till Sverigedemokraterna och 70 procent ansåg att individerna i valkampanjfilmen framställs orättvist. / This study will investigate how the Sweden Democrats' use the planned communication tools: profile, identity and image in their election campaign film. We have during the study used three different perspectives: structured interviews with three members of the Sweden Democrats, a semiotic film analysis of the party's election campaign film and performed a survey of 100 voting students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet.   The results of the study have demonstrated that the Sweden Democrats' profile is consistent with the campaign film's identity. The Sweden Democrats believes that the image of the party is not consistent with the party's profile. The problem that the Sweden Democrats claim to be medias fault. Our semiotic film analysis shows that the Sweden Democrats' message is clear in the election campaign by showing how immigration is expensive, while pensioners are affected. Our results also show that more than half of the students at Erik Dahlbergsgymnasiet had a bias against the Sweden Democrats and 70 percent felt that the individuals in the election campaign film were represented wrong.

From a democratic viewpoint, the way in which the media frames politics is essential. Should issue frames be left out in favor of other types of frames, it could result in voters struggling to make informed decisions come Election Day. What is more, research shows that game frames may cause lack of confidence in politicians and declining political interest. Against this background, the present study aimed to find out how two broadsheets, Dagens Nyheter and Svenska Dagbladet, and two tabloids, Aftonbladet and Expressen, framed politics in connection with the 2014 Swedish parliamentary elections. The thesis also intended to identify possible differences between the two newspaper types and to make tentative comparisons with previous studies so as to be able to comment on framing developments. The method that was used is content analysis. More specifically, the thesis examined the existence of a number of frame types in selected articles. A total of 235 articles were analyzed, 62 in Dagens Nyheter, 46 in Svenska Dagbladet, 52 in Aftonbladet and 75 in Expressen. The results of the study are rather depressing. Considering the average numbers for all four newspapers, the issue frames amount to only about a fourth or a fifth of all frames. In addition, the issue frame percentage seems to decline with each election. However, there are substantial differences between the broadsheets and the tabloids. As in the vast majority of previous studies, the broadsheets contain a much larger share of issue frames that the tabloids. Thus, the former satisfy the needs of democracy to a larger extent than the latter. Further studies are, however, of the essence to confirm the results that are presented in this thesis. It is very important, for the sake of democracy, to continue investigating the media’s framing of politics, as well as framing effects.

The predicament of rational choice models in politics is seemingly the irrationality of participation in politics activity, in such, by voting. That it is irrational for most of the taxpayers to vote nor to attain education about politics. Some authors propose different approaches to understand why people vote, such as civic duty and civic voluntarism model. This essay examines language barrier and how it affects the voter turnout in Sweden. Furthermore, we observe foreign-born Swedes in Skärholmen region, and ask ourselves: • Should language deficiency lead to lower division? • If those with language shortages still vote, what is important to them? The study shows that people with higher language skills also tend to vote more often than others. And for those who have a lower language skill differs within the group some votes regardless and other abstain. I intend to link my research to existing theories to confront the theories with new empirical knowledge, using a hypothetical-deductive method.