Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (1801-1856) foi um dos mais eminentes políticos do Partido Conservador do período monárquico brasileiro. Foi agraciado visconde e marquês de Paraná, nos anos de 1852 e 1854, respectivamente. O ápice de sua carreira foi a presidência do Ministério da Conciliação, entre 1853 e 1856. A trajetória política de Carneiro Leão a partir de 1842 é o objeto central desta dissertação. Não se pretendeu, todavia, recontar sua vida de forma linear, nem simplesmente relembrar laudatoriamente seus serviços ao Império do Brasil. Este trabalho buscou, sobretudo, questionar e desconstruir a memória que uniu indivíduo e Estado e influenciou muitas interpretações sobre cinco importantes acontecimentos políticos do Oitocentos brasileiro: a formação do Regresso conservador; as revoltas de 1842; a Rebelião Praieira; a intervenção na região do Rio da Prata e, por fim, o Ministério da Conciliação. Cada um desses assuntos foi tratado detalhadamente nos quatro capítulos desta dissertação. / Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (1801-1856) was one of the most eminent politicians of the Conservative Party of Brazilian monarchical period. He was honored with the titles of viscount and marquis of Paraná in 1852 and 1854, respectively. The apex of his career was the chair of the Conciliation Cabinet, between 1853 and 1856. The political career of Carneiro Leão since 1842 is the main subject of this dissertation. However, it was not intended to recount his life in a linear basis, nor simply laudatorily recall his services to the Brazilian Empire. This study aimed, above all, to question and deconstruct the memory which united the individual and the State and influenced many interpretations of five major political events of the Brazilian Eighteenth Century: the formation of the Regresso; the riots of 1842; Praiera Rebellious; intervention on the Platine region and, finally, the Conciliation Cabinet. Each one of these issues was discussed in detail in four chapters of this dissertation.

Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (1801-1856) foi um dos mais eminentes políticos do Partido Conservador do período monárquico brasileiro. Foi agraciado visconde e marquês de Paraná, nos anos de 1852 e 1854, respectivamente. O ápice de sua carreira foi a presidência do Ministério da Conciliação, entre 1853 e 1856. A trajetória política de Carneiro Leão a partir de 1842 é o objeto central desta dissertação. Não se pretendeu, todavia, recontar sua vida de forma linear, nem simplesmente relembrar laudatoriamente seus serviços ao Império do Brasil. Este trabalho buscou, sobretudo, questionar e desconstruir a memória que uniu indivíduo e Estado e influenciou muitas interpretações sobre cinco importantes acontecimentos políticos do Oitocentos brasileiro: a formação do Regresso conservador; as revoltas de 1842; a Rebelião Praieira; a intervenção na região do Rio da Prata e, por fim, o Ministério da Conciliação. Cada um desses assuntos foi tratado detalhadamente nos quatro capítulos desta dissertação. / Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão (1801-1856) was one of the most eminent politicians of the Conservative Party of Brazilian monarchical period. He was honored with the titles of viscount and marquis of Paraná in 1852 and 1854, respectively. The apex of his career was the chair of the Conciliation Cabinet, between 1853 and 1856. The political career of Carneiro Leão since 1842 is the main subject of this dissertation. However, it was not intended to recount his life in a linear basis, nor simply laudatorily recall his services to the Brazilian Empire. This study aimed, above all, to question and deconstruct the memory which united the individual and the State and influenced many interpretations of five major political events of the Brazilian Eighteenth Century: the formation of the Regresso; the riots of 1842; Praiera Rebellious; intervention on the Platine region and, finally, the Conciliation Cabinet. Each one of these issues was discussed in detail in four chapters of this dissertation.

Thesis (M.A. (Education)) -- University of the North, 1987 / Refer to the document

An overview of the political activity of Mexican university students during the 1968 disturbances in Mexico was compared with data taken from a 1964 attitudinal survey conducted by the International Research Associates, Incorporated of university students from nine Mexican universities in an attempt to find possible trends and attitudes that could have predicted the 1968 and subsequent riots. The population for the analysis came from three of the nine universities based on the levels of activity shown during the 1968 riots ranging from most active to least active. Three main variables; activism as of 1968, ideological self-designation as of 1964 and degrees of discrepancy as of 1964 were cross-tabulated with sex, .age, father's education and community size. Students who in 1964 saw themselves as falling to the extreme left of the ideological scale were found to be in the more active university in 1968. The majority of students in 1964 did not view the government and accompanying institutions as being that far from their own ideological views. The most active university had the largest percentage of students in the 31 or older category. Sex held no significance bearing on activism. Students coming from populations of less than 10,000 were found to be more highly concentrated in the most active university and those students whose father had completed college were also concentrated in the more active university.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Michigan, 1941. / Published also without thesis note. Includes bibliographical references (p. 221-227) and index.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1971. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 372-380).

This thesis focuses on the leftist propaganda in the Hong Kong 1967 riots. It shows how the local leftists launched a propaganda campaign to persuade citizens to join the anti-government confrontation. After critically examining leftist propaganda materials, the thesis analyzes different arguments of the propagandists. The leftists’ propaganda failed to persuade the masses to follow them. To explain their failure, the thesis compares the aims of leftist propaganda before and during 1967. Given the different aims, the thesis argues that the inconsistency of the propaganda caused the leftists to lose support. When the leftists used violent actions to “struggle” against the colonial government, their radical actions were described by citizens as “terrorist attacks” and the leftists became “troublemakers”. Thus, the thesis also argues that the leftists’ threat to law and order drove Hong Kong citizens to stay out of the riots. After the anti-government movement became radical, the Hong Kong government took firm actions against the local communists. The police force raided leftist trade unions and arrested leftist leaders. These actions caused the breakdown of the leftist propaganda mechanism. The thesis analyzes the decision-making processes of the Hong Kong government, and argues that it was the leftists’ radical actions that caused the government’s firm actions, and thus the failure of the leftist propaganda, and the anti-government campaign were self-inflicted. / published_or_final_version / History / Master / Master of Philosophy

This thesis is a social history of spring break, examining the economic and social aspects of this youth culture phenomenon in Florida. Spring break follows the evolution of youth culture's increasingly complex relationship with an expanding consumer culture. I am exploring its many manifestations in music, film, and popular fiction, but also its rebellious expressions in the riots and arrests on Florida's beaches. I intend to focus on the small beach communities that were transformed by spring break, particularly Fort Lauderdale.Spring break in Florida dates back to the late 1920s in Palm Beach. Wealthy New England families spent their winters in Palm Beach. Their children who attended northern colleges joined their parents during Easter vacation. The hardships of the Great Depression and the sacrifices of World War II kept extravagant travel to a minimum, and the southeast coast of Florida became a popular vacation spot.By the 1950s, Fort Lauderdale reigned as the spring break capitol. Soon the competition to attract spring break crowds and the tensions of an emerging youth culture played an increasingly vital economic role in a consumer-driven America of the 1950s and 60s. Fort Lauderdale struggled to maintain an image of sophistication while catering to a notoriously raucous but financially lucrative onslaught of teenage spring-breakers. Spring break determined the development of both of these cities, and many others in Florida, by influencing municipal law, local industry, and, eventually, the cities' own senses of identity and public image.Spring break continues to demonstrate the vicissitudes of youth and consumer culture on the beaches of Panama City and Cozumel, Mexico, but it has also become an industry in itself.

Understanding how race shapes the lives of individuals and transforms institutions is central to social science. Yet, for many scholars, race is widely understood as a fixed and monolithic category that is resistant to manipulation. As a result, making causal claims about "immutable characteristics" such as race or ethnicity has been strongly discouraged by statisticians and experts of causal inference. In contrast to previous literature, I propose a different framework that, in some cases, reconciles race and causation. Using a lab experiment and observational data about the urban uprisings of the 1960s, I test whether racialized and politicized cues from a subordinate group (in this case, blacks) can change psychological, behavioral and attitudinal measures among a dominant group (in this case, whites). Looking at more than 750 violent protests that flared up in black neighborhoods across the United States, I examine whether increased exposure to signals of black unrest is associated with decreased support for the Democratic party. In the 1964, 1968, and 1972 presidential elections, I find a strong negative relationship between exposure to civil unrest and the county-level Democratic vote share. I find a similar negative relationship between exposure to violent protests and Democratic vote share in congressional elections between 1968 and 1972. Finally, I find that in counterfactual scenarios of fewer violent protests the Democratic presidential nominee, Hubert Humphrey, would have beaten the Republican nominee, Richard Nixon, in the 1968 election. In the lab experiment, I test how exposure to images of politicized and armed white and black men changes psychological, behavioral and attitudinal measures among subjects in the dominant (white) group. Methodologically, this study investigates the degree to which at least some aspects of race are better operationalized as variable, divisible, continuous and responsive to manipulation. Substantively, this experiment also attempts to assess the degree to which media representations of violence and politics might increase the salience of ethnic/racial identities, particularly in a dominant group. In the context of the 1960s urban uprisings, such a result might help explain why a significant subset of white voters switched away from the Democratic party, that had become identified with black interests, and towards candidates promising "law and order." / African and African American Studies