The Swedish recognition of Palestine was announced on 3 October 2014, but not without controversy. In the national parliamentary debates after, as well as the once that occurred before, the recognition there seems to be a divide between the ideas of Sweden’s role in international politics - One stand advocating an “activist role” and the other a “multilateral role”. Using what is known as role theory these roles and the conflict that is present between them will be analysed.

This dissertation starts from the observation that expectations and perceptions of non-members of the EU are usually neglected in the study of EU's enlargement process. In order to better understand the sources of pro-integration (or anti-integration) foreign policies of the neighboring states, I employ the conceptual apparatus of "role theory". This work utilities the concept of "national role conception", defined as domestically shared views and understandings regarding the proper role and purpose of one's own state as a social collectivity in the international arena. On the cases of Russia and Turkey, I show how historically constituted domestically shared ideas about a role, function (or mission) of a particular state within wider international (European) environment inform their respective policies towards contemporary EU. For the Turkish elite's understandings of the proper role of Turkey within broader international environment is typical the dominance of kemalist nationalist discourse of modernization. Modernization and the quest for the status of respected European power form the core of Turkish identity. In light of this perceptions, the EU membership fits into the kemalist discourse as an accomplishment of the historical mission of attaining the standards of contemporary civilization. On the other side, the discourse of Russian elites is embedded predominantly in universalist messianic discourse, which is often spiced with realist and geopolitical concepts. To sum up, if we want to understand why Russia does not even think about the possibility of entering the EU, we have to take into account the burden of universalist tasks which Russia feels obliged to cary in the name of History or God. Moreover, Russia feels the obligation to protect (both from external threats and internal decay) Europe itself. Entrance into the EU would, quite logically, jeopardize the fulfillment of this historical tasks.

This thesis seeks to understand underlying reasons why Sweden’s long tradition of non-alignment suddenly changed in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It argues that it was not solely due to strategic chock. The thesis is based on the theory framework of national role conception, which has the conceptual mechanism for understanding foreign policy decision-making dynamics. Methodologically, it focuses on narratives from an interpretive perspective to discover role perceptions and role changes. Empirically, this is analysed based on the defence policy, during the period 2014 to 2022, and the transformation that took place of Swedish defence. The result shows a gradual shift from previous core political values, enabling a different perception of roles.

La rencontre avec l’Autre différent n’est pas un « allant de soi » (Jodelet, 2003). La RS du handicap est le plus souvent entachée d’une vision subjective stigmatisante (Gardou & Poizat, 2007 ; Goffman, 1975 ; Martinez, 2006) qui fait obstacle au « vivre ensemble ». Lorsque les RS font obstacles au « vivre ensemble », L’École se doit d’accompagner les enfants à une transformation de leur regard porté sur la différence. Le législateur engage l’École dans une démarche d’inclusion et de transformation des RS du handicap pour accompagner l’évolution des comportements et des pratiques. La place est donnée à l’émergence de dynamiques éducatives pour aborder un enjeu sociétal du XXIème siècle. La théorie des RS (Abric, 1994 ; Rateau, 1995) est utilisée comme un outil à l’usage de la réflexion sur une éducation à pour répondre à l’injonction du législateur. Nous interrogeons le vécu et l’information à l’École sur le handicap comme facteurs potentiels de transformation de la RS des lycéens dits ordinaires. Sur la base de 366 questionnaires, nous définissons une cartographie représentationnelle du handicap du groupe lycéens. Puis, nous conduisons une expérimentation sur deux années avec 31 lycéens en classe de TPE. L’approche éducative expérimentée allie une dimension relationnelle à une dimension réflexive. L’expérimentation tend à montrer que par l’approche éducative des éducations à (Barthes & Alpes, 2012 ; Floro, 2013 ; Lange & Barroca-Paccard, 2017 ; Legardez & Simmoneaux 2011)- un vécu avec le handicap est possible à l’École, et qu’il est facteur potentiel de transformation positive de la RS. Mais les obstacles au « vivre ensemble » demeurent. / The encounter with the Other isn’t “self-evident” (Jodelet, 2003). The social representations of disability is often tainted with a subjective stigmatizing vision (Gardou & Poizat, 2007 ; Goffman, 1975 ; Martinez, 2006) that creates a barrier to “coexistence”. When the SR are a barrier to “coexistence”, the School must go with the children to change their vision of difference. The law is committing School in an inclusive and transformative approach of SR of disability in order to go with the evolution of behaviors and practices. Hence, there’s a spot provided for uprising teaching dynamics to address a social issue of the XXIst century. The SR theory (Abric, 1994 ; Rateau, 1995) is used as a tool for thinking on a “educations to” approach to answer the law’s injunction. We will question the experience and the School’s information on disabilities as potential factors of transformation of the SR of said “ordinary” high school students. Based on 366 surveys, we will define a representative mapping of disability in the high school students group. Then, we will lead an experiment within two years with 31 high school students in the TPE class. The teaching approach experimented links a relational dimension to a more reflexive one. The experience tends to show that – with the teaching approach of “educations to” (Barthes & Alpes, 2012 ; Floro, 2013 ; Lange & Barroca-Paccard, 2017 ; Legardez & Simmoneaux 2011) an experience with disability is possible within the School, and that it’s a potential factor of positive transformation of SR. However, the barriers to “coexistence” are still in place.

This bachelor’s thesis in Political Science, is essentially a study of contemporary French foreign and security policy ‘roles’. Drawing on a doctoral thesis by Lisbeth Aggestam (2004), it investigates French National Role Conceptions, using Foreign Policy Analysis Role Theory. It thoroughly examines the nature of foreign policy-making and, notably, it explores the notions of foreign policy ‘roles’, ‘identity’ and ‘national role conceptions’. The study encompasses over twenty key foreign and security policy centred allocutions delivered by the present French President, François Hollande, between the years 2012-16. Primarily, it aims at answering whether French National Role Conceptions, as conceived of by Aggestam at the turn of the millennium, are still relevant for the understanding of current French foreign and security policy and action. Aggestam’s French national ‘role-set’ therefore serves as the eminent point of reference and comparison throughout the analysis. In a broader sense, the essay also aims at investigating the ideational basis to contemporary French foreign and security policy roles. More narrowly, a special consideration has been accorded the notion of ‘Europe de la défense’ (Europe of defence), a key idea in modern French foreign and security policy. The principal findings of the analysis show that most of the French National Role Conceptions identified by Aggestam, continue to be relevant. On the ideational level, France’s current self-image is arguably even more intimately suffused by the notion of ‘Europe’. On the foreign and security policy area, this is reflected in the continued French aim of constructing ‘Europe de la défense’, which is central to the general understanding of the French role-set. Lastly, the investigation supports the notion that French foreign and security policy roles are nourished by a ‘realistic idealism’, as advanced by Aggestam.

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The present research is an analysis of the political decision-making process in Israel in relation to two crises, the summer of 1982 and the summer of 2006, preceding respectively the First and Second Lebanon wars. The present research is structured in accordance with the theoretical posture of Neoclassical Realism. Although still a young school of thought, the theoretical roots of Neoclassical Realism can be found in Classical Realism and Neo-realism - concerning the role of the State in the international system, and are integrated with the study of the domestic level and the role of the deciders in the elaboration of foreign policy decisions. By making the link between the international and domestic level explicit, this thesis allows grasping the full extent of the origins and implications of a State’s foreign policy. In addition, in order to study the relevance of a long-term approach in researches on decision-making processes, Historical Institutionalism complements Neoclassical Realism in the theoretical framework. To answer the research question the present research is based on the “process tracing” methodology, which aims at uncovering the mechanisms - that is the tangible expression of actors and their actions - and aims at explaining how these are linked to their surrounding environment. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished