Abstract Norlinder, Gabriella. 2019. My purpose with this qualitative study was to use Bourdieu's concept of Habitus with the associated capital species as an analytical tool, to try to shed light on the value-charged context of human behavior patterns. This in order to, through it, be able to demonstrate a possible explanation for why unusual finds are found in archaeological excavations. The object of my analysis here, in this study, is an engraved Roman stone age engraving stone found at the excavations on the medieval Saxon Castle in the Kristinehamn archipelago. My method has been theoretical, consisting mainly of literature studies and a small number of oral sources. I have delimited myself only to highlight one single artifact; the engraved stone and only a single excavation site; Saxholmen for my study. Only a few examples from other places have been used and then for the purpose of better clarifying my chosen study material. This study is based on three issues that concern the location of the stone, outside its proper context, whether a Habitus perspective can be a possible analytical tool for interpreting unusual findings, and whether Saxholm's Habitus-related functions could reflect a possible explanation for the location of the stone. My conclusions are thus that the stone has probably traveled far and probably changed owners more than once. In view of the residents' prestige-oriented lifestyle and a possible link to Gotland, it may have been the result of trade contacts or looting. I have also come to the conclusion that the Habitus concept is absolutely useful as an analytical tool in this type of study, since it highlights abstract values in human life. In my opinion, the Saxholmen seen from a Habitus- related perspective holds all of the capital species / values that are included in the essay and can therefore demonstrate a number of possible interpretations as to why the stone is included in the finds material from the site. Nyckelord: Medeltiden, borg, romersk järnålder, utgrävningar, Habitus, Bourdieu, Saxholmen Keywords: Middle Ages, castle, Roman Iron Age, excavations, Habitus, Bourdieu, Saxon Castle Kandidatuppsats i Arkeologi. Handledare: Gustaf Svedjemo Ventilerad och godkänd 2019-06-14 Gabriella Norlinder Institutionen för Arkeologi och antik historia, Uppsala universitet, Campus Gotland, Cramérgatan 3, 621 67 Visby, Sweden. Den gåtfulla stenen från Saxholmen – Habitusbegreppet som analytiskt verktyg för förståelsen av orsakssammanhangen kring ovanliga fynd The enigmatic stone from Saxholmen - Habitus concept as an analytical tool for understanding the causal link between unusual findings

<p>This thesis deals with individuals buried at Smörkullen, Västra Tollstad parish, Östergötland, Sweden. The aim is to reconstruct the diet of the individuals through stable isotope analyses and then try to identify if social hierarchy correlates with the diet. To do this, 35 individuals were divided into different groups (males, females, high status graves, low status graves, young adults, adults, seniors and trepanned individuals) and then subjected to stable isotope analyses of carbon, nitrogen and sulphur. The results show that all individuals lived mainly on freshwater fish with a few exceptions that had a more mixed diet of terrestrial protein and freshwater fish. The sulphur analyses showed that one female (possibly two) has moved to the area sometime after the age of seven. Because of the homogenous diet of freshwater fish no social hierarchy based on diet could be established.</p>

This paper deals with diet and gender in the early roman iron age in Sweden. Human bone and tooth material from the Iron Age cemetery at Bjärby in Kastlösa parish on the island of Öland have been analysed for stable carbon and nitrogen isotopes. 21 individuals were sampled. Where possible 4 samples were taken from each individual, from the first, second and third molar respectively and from one compact bone. By doing so it is possible, at least in theory, to trace intra-individual diets throughout life. In total, 64 samples were analysed by isotope ratio mass spectrometer. The low [delta]13C values indicate a diet based mostly on terrestrial resources, while the high [delta]15N values indicate some significant marine input. This discrepancy may be explained by an intake of freshwater fish or meat from suckling animals. The isotope values do not indicate any significant dietary reliance on cereals. Some gender differences in diet were observed. The [delta]15N values of the women were higher than those of the men, indicating a higher tropic level throughout life. The third molar [delta]13C values of the men were higher than those of the women, indicating a somewhat more substantial marine input during the teenage years.

This thesis studies settlement continuity on Gotland between approximately AD 200 and AD 1700. The method used is to calculate correlation between the geographical distribution of all known Iron Age stone-wall-houses (on Gotland known as "kämpagravar") and all farms included in the detailed taxation maps from approximately 1700. The number of remaining house foundations is between 1800 and 1900. A model to estimate the number of removed foundations is presented. It is based on the assumption that the settlement density was proportional to land use around 1700, and that the rate of removal is related to the current land use. Based on similarity with contemporary farms on Öland and in Denmark, it is also proposed that Iron Age farms on Gotland were less dispersed. The common view in archaeological literature is that Iron Age farms on Gotland often had their buildings spread more than 200 meter apart. It is estimated that the remaining 1800+ foundations represents more than 2700 Iron Age farms with a total of more than 4700 houses. Compared to previous studies, the fluctuation in number of farms between maximum expansion during Late Roman Iron Age and Viking Age, and maximum contractions during the Migration Period and Late Middle Ages, also is much larger. By parish, the number of farms per km2 and the average farm size have been calculated, both for the stone-wall houses and for the farms as they were represented around 1700. Using regression analysis, the correlation between the two datasets was estimated. No significant correlations were identified. The distribution of the remaining stone foundations and/or the estimated distribution before removal have also been compared to known borders and corresponding administrative districts – since the Middle Ages, Gotland has been divided in tredingar (third parts), settingar (sixth parts), 20 thing/court districts and 95 parishes. The tredingar and partly the settingar correlate with the stone foundation distribution, but not the thing districts or parishes. The correlation and lack of correlation might be explained by input errors or confounding factors, but the historical records supports the interpretation that the tredingar and settingar has been in continuous use since before the Middle Ages, and that the thing districts and the parishes were introduced during the Middle Ages. At least 24 farms with the name "Stenstugu" are known in Gotland. "Stenstugu" distribution coincides with centrums of stone foundation concentrations in a way that cannot be explained by coincidence or confounding factors. Probably, the name "Stenstugu" originates from the Roman Iron Age and is related to stone foundations settlements. / Syftet med uppsatsen är att studera kontinuitet från gotländsk stengrundsbebyggelse på äldre järnålder till bebyggelsen ca år 1700. Detta har skett genom en statistisk-geografisk jämförelse av alla kända stengrunder på Gotland med 1700-talsbygden sådan den framträder i skattläggningskartan från ca år 1700. Antal kvarvarande stengrunder på Gotland är drygt 1800. En bortodlingsmodell har tagits fram som är baserad på antagandena att ursprunglig stengrundskoncentration är beroende på ägoslag år 1700 och att bortodling är beroende av nutida markanvändning. Dessutom har en ny tolkning av vad som motsvarar en gård i stengrundsmaterialet föreslagits. Den baseras på att stengrundsgårdar liksom samtida gårdar på Öland och i Danmark var tätt grupperade. Det innebär att gårdsantalet blir mycket högre än tidigare beräkningar som baserades på gårdar med byggnader som ibland låg mer än 200 meter ifrån varandra. Med den nya bortodlingsmodellen och det nya gårdsbegreppet har bortodlingen skattats till ca 60 %, vilket innebär att antalet stengrundshus skattats till drygt 4700 och antalet stengrundsgårdar till drygt 2700. En konsekvens av det betydligt större antalet gårdar än tidigare beräkningar är att fluktuationerna i antal gårdar mellan höjdpunkterna under yngre romersk järnålder och vikingatid, och lågpunkterna under folkvandringstid och senmedeltid också varit betydligt större än tidigare beräkningar. För varje socken har antal gårdar per km2 och genomsnittliga storleksmått per socken beräknats, och använts för jämförelser mellan äldre järnålder och 1700-tal. Regressionsanalyser har inte påvisat någon korrelation mellan bevarade stengrunder och 1700-talsbebyggelse. Eftersom beräkning av järnåldersbebyggelsen före bortodling bygger på just 1700-talsbebyggelse är det inte meningsfullt att söka korrelation mellan dem. Fördelning av bevarade stengrunder och beräknad fördelning av stengrunder före bortodling har jämförts med historiskt kända administrativa indelningar på Gotland – tredingar, settingar, ting och socknar. Tredingarna och i någon mån settingarna korrelerar med stengrundernas fördelning, men inte tingen och inte socknarna. Dess statistiska samband kan naturligtvis bero på att stengrunder och tredingar var samtida, men inte de övriga indelningssystemen. Det skulle också kunna förklaras med att det finns felkällor i mätningarna och samvarierande faktorer snarare än ett direkt orsakssamband. Även de historiska källorna går att tolka som att tredingar och settingar har hög ålder, och inte de andra indelningarna, vilket innebär att det finns visst stöd för att tolka korrelationen mellan stengrunder och tredingsindelning, som att de existerade samtidigt. Det finns minst 24 gårdsnamn med "Stenstugu" jämnt fördelade över Gotland. "Stenstugu" visar ett tydligt samband med förekomsten av stengrundskoncentrationer, vilket inte kan förklaras med slumpen eller andra samvarierande faktorer. Namnet bör därmed kunna kopplas till stengrundsbebyggelsen från romersk järnålder.

This thesis deals with individuals buried at Smörkullen, Västra Tollstad parish, Östergötland, Sweden. The aim is to reconstruct the diet of the individuals through stable isotope analyses and then try to identify if social hierarchy correlates with the diet. To do this, 35 individuals were divided into different groups (males, females, high status graves, low status graves, young adults, adults, seniors and trepanned individuals) and then subjected to stable isotope analyses of carbon, nitrogen and sulphur. The results show that all individuals lived mainly on freshwater fish with a few exceptions that had a more mixed diet of terrestrial protein and freshwater fish. The sulphur analyses showed that one female (possibly two) has moved to the area sometime after the age of seven. Because of the homogenous diet of freshwater fish no social hierarchy based on diet could be established.

During the Late Bronze Age, the number of metal objects in the Baltic Sea region increased tremendously.  Mobility and interaction in this northern inland sea intensified. This occurred in a period of prehistory when the ship was the predominant symbol in southern Scandinavia. The ship can be found in rock carvings, on bronze objects and by way of erected stone monuments: stone ship settings. These stone ships are mainly to be found in the Baltic Sea region, with a marked concentration on Gotland. The stone ship settings and their landscape context are the focus of this dissertation. The objective is to clarify whether it is possible to find evidence of social groupings of people in the Nordic Late Bronze Age (1100-500 BC), by focusing on the stone ship monument, adopting a maritime approach. These people might have been part of a maritime institution specializing in trade and long distance journeys during this period, thus achieving a more advanced maritime way of life in the Baltic Sea. Are the ship settings an expression of these specific groups of people, who utilized their practices to position and articulate themselves in the landscape? If such maritime institutions can in fact be traced, there must also be uniformly structured locations for these groups of people to meet in, some kind of antecedents of harbours. By taking an inland sea, the Baltic Sea, as a geographical demarcation, a different perspective of prehistory is attained. The area in the Late Bronze Age and earliest Iron Age (950/900-200 BC) differed from the Nordic Bronze Age sphere. The communities around the Baltic Sea, through the establishment and sharing of mutual interests, seem to have reached a certain degree of consensus. This concordance might well be largely explained by the complex dependency on metal. Such a manifestation would not have been possible without an infrastructure or network, in this case a maritime one. This is something which has previously been overlooked in discussions on the Bronze Age in the Baltic Sea.

For the last 200 years, 6 wagons of the same Celtic inspired wagon type have been found in Denmark: two in a bog, two in a grave each, and two in a house each. This wagon type is called the Dejbjerg wagons, named after the two most known wagons in the category; the ones found in the bog called Præstegårdmose in Dejbjerg, Denmark. The purpose of the essay is to study the Dejbjerg wagons and their relation to the four-wheeled wagons of the Celtic Europe, the contacts between Denmark and Central Europe, and examine what the purpose, or rather the use, of the wagons’ deposition was – if they even had any. To be able to do this, action-based ritual theory – a theory popularised by Catherine Bell – has been used. The essay is concluded in that the way the wagons have been deposited must have meant something for the prehistoric Danish people, and the motifs and ornaments seen on the Danish wagons have a clear Celtic influence, which leads to the conclusion that the prehistoric Danish people must have had contacts in one way or another with the Celts.

Studien undersöker placeringen av Ölands ringborgar i förhållande till källor, kustlinjer och våtmarker under främst romersk järnålder och svensk folkvandringstid. Med hjälp av QGIS sammanställs data från kartor och litteratur för att analysera ringborgarnas placering i landskapet och identifiera mönster genom en Grounded theory-metodik. Resultaten visar att de historiska våtmarkerna sannolikt haft en betydelse för borgarnas placering som färskvattenskällor, kultplatser och försvar. Källor i nära anslutning till borgarna var mindre frekventa, men verkar i vissa fall också ha haft en rituell betydelse. Kusten är alltid närvarande på den smala ön, men att bosätta sig nära den kan ha haft vissa defensiva fördelar, såväl som nackdelar. Med undantag från en borg var Ölänningarna ovilliga att bygga borgar intill stränderna. Studien belyser det mångfacetterade förhållandet mellan borgarna och vatten, som berör försvar, sötvattenförsörjning och ritualitet, och lyfter även intressanta platser för vidare forskning. / This study examines the placement of Öland's ringforts in relation to springs, coastlines, and wetlands during the Roman Iron Age and the Swedish Migration Period. Using QGIS, data from maps and literature is compiled to analyze fort locations and identify patterns using a Grounded Theory methodology. The research shows that wetlands influenced fort placement as a source of freshwater, cult sites and natural defenses. Springs, though less frequently located near forts, were more prominent in areas lacking other freshwater sources. The coast is ever prominent on the slim island, but settling near it likely had defensive advantages, as well as disadvantages. With the exception for one fort, people on Öland were unwilling to build forts on or near the shores. The study highlights the multifaceted relationship between the forts and water, lifting aspects such as defense, freshwater supply, and rituality. Furthermore, the essay suggests interesting locations for further research.

<p>The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The cemetery was used from c. AD 1-1100.</p><p>The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived results of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods.</p><p>The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised.</p><p>1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6)</p><p>2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2)</p><p>3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3)</p><p>4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary customs and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity.. (Vol. 2, chapter 4)</p><p>Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on peripheral land far away from contemporary settlement, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distinguish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types.</p><p>The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th century cemetery types across the island is used to interpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of allegiance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.</p>

<p>The prehistoric cemetery of Barshalder is located along the main road on the boundary between Grötlingbo and Fide parishes, near the southern end of the island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea. The ceme-tery was used from c. AD 1-1100.</p><p>The level of publication in Swedish archaeology of the first millennium AD is low compared to, for instance, the British and German examples. Gotland’s rich Iron Age cemeteries have long been intensively excavated, but few have received monographic treatment. This publication is intended to begin filling this gap and to raise the empirical level of the field. It also aims to make explicit and test the often somewhat intuitively conceived re-sults of much previous research. The analyses deal mainly with the Migration (AD 375–540), Vendel (AD 520–790) and Late Viking (AD 1000–1150) Periods.</p><p>The following lines of inquiry have been prioritised.</p><p>1. Landscape history, i.e. placing the cemetery in a landscape-historical context. (Vol. 1, section 2.2.6)</p><p>2. Migration Period typochronology, i.e. the study of change in the grave goods. (Vol. 2, chapter 2)</p><p>3. Social roles: gender, age and status. (Vol. 2, chapter 3)</p><p>4. Religious identity in the 11th century, i.e. the study of religious indicators in mortuary cus-toms and grave goods, with particular emphasis on the relationship between Scandinavian paganism and Christianity. (Vol. 2, chapter 4)</p><p>Barshalder is found to have functioned as a central cemetery for the surrounding area, located on pe-ripheral land far away from contemporary settle-ment, yet placed on a main road along the coast for maximum visibility and possibly near a harbour. Computer supported correspondence analysis and seriation are used to study the gender attributes among the grave goods and the chronology of the burials. New methodology is developed to distin-guish gender-neutral attributes from transgressed gender attributes. Sub-gender grouping due to age and status is explored. An independent modern chronology system with rigorous type definitions is established for the Migration Period of Gotland. Recently published chronology systems for the Vendel and Viking Periods are critically reviewed, tested and modified to produce more solid models. Social stratification is studied through burial wealth with a quantitative method, and the results are tested through juxtaposition with several other data types.</p><p>The Late Viking Period graves of the late 10th and 11th centuries are studied in relation to the contemporary Christian graves at the churchyards. They are found to be symbolically soft-spoken and unobtrusive, with all pagan attributes kept apart from the body in a space between the feet of the deceased and the end of the over-long inhumation trench. A small number of pagan reactionary graves with more forceful symbolism are however also identified. The distribution of different 11th cen-tury cemetery types across the island is used to in-terpret the period’s confessional geography, the scale of social organisation and the degree of alle-giance to western and eastern Christianity. 11th century society on Gotland is found to have been characterised by religious tolerance, by an absence of central organisation and by slow piecemeal Christianisation.</p>