The idea that the United States is bequeathed the special mission of leading mankind toward liberty has dominated U.S. foreign relations since the American Revolution. It remains the most pervasive theme in Americans' thought about the world to the extent that over time, it has become firmly embedded in the nation's historical and cultural consciousness. A study of diplomatic, intellectual, and cultural history, America in the World: Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy, 1944-1950 examines the impact of this exceptionalist vision on the policies and public debates that influenced Americans' thinking about their role in the world from the beginning of their efforts to design the global post-World War II order to the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950. Believers in Lockean progress and advocates of modernization, the administrations of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman sought to establish a one-world order based on American liberal political and economic ideals. At the heart of this American-designed postwar world stood the United Nations, created to ensure collective security and foster a spirit of international collaboration, and transnational institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, envisioned to protect the global economy and promote free trade. These institutions served as concrete articulations of U.S. national interests yet at the same time they were intended to inaugurate a "New Deal" and a "Fair Deal" for the world. Interpreting American post-war and Cold War policymaking through the lens of exceptionalism provides a complementary methodological framework to the national security or economic theses more commonly employed to describe this period. When the Soviet Union refused to accept the American-designed one-world order, the American response - inside and outside of government - was overwhelmingly shaped by ideology. While economic considerations and national security influenced U.S. Cold War policy, this dissertation demonstrates that it was the challenge posed by Moscow's universalist aspirations and Communism's inherent teleological ideology that caused Americans to turn the Cold War into a battle for a way of life.

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Ce mémoire étudie les processus décisionnels des gouvernements américain et canadien entourant la Conférence intergouvernementale d'Évian de 1938 convoquée par Franklin D. Roosevelt pour venir en aide aux réfugiés juifs du Ille Reich. La pertinence scientifique de cette recherche s'explique par l'absence d'analyse de l'information envoyée par les membres des corps diplomatiques, et de prise en compte des modèles américain et canadien de prise de décision. Nous présentons donc d'abord l'information que les diplomates postés en Allemagne, en Autriche et à Genève envoyèrent à leur gouvernement respectif. Ceci nous permet de tracer le portrait dont les gouvernements Roosevelt et King disposaient à propos des persécutions nazies commises à l'endroit des communautés juives allemande et autrichienne. À la lumière de ces portraits, nous analysons par la suite les processus décisionnels des gouvernements américain et canadien au cours des mois précédant la conférence. Cette conférence nous sert d'exemple pour comparer les modèles de prise de décision des gouvernements Roosevelt et King. Nous démontrons que le refus des États-Unis et du Canada de s'engager à participer au-delà de leur acte de présence à Évian résulte directement des décisions prises personnellement par Franklin Roosevelt et par Mackenzie King. En effet, Roosevelt délégua les responsabilités reliées à la conférence au Département d'État américain qu'il savait opposé à l'immigration juive aux États-Unis. De son côté, King se plaça lui-même au coeur de la prise de décision pour s'assurer d'une participation passive du Canada à Évian. Roosevelt et King étaient tous deux motivés par des intérêts avant tout politiques. Ainsi, une participation sans engagement à la conférence leur permit de se prétendre préoccupés par le sort des réfugiés politiques, tout en refusant d'accepter un nombre indéterminé de Juifs qu'ils ne désiraient pas à l'intélieur de leurs frontières. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Franklin Roosevelt, William Lyon Mackenzie King, Conférence d'Évian (1938), Juifs, Émigration –Immigration.

Orientador: Jorge Sidney Coli Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T08:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Philippov_Karin_M.pdf: 8422545 bytes, checksum: 40df82fcd15ed0670cc412c9a95e2836 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: A viagem de Rockwell Kent ao Brasil, em novembro de 1937, suscita uma série de questões inéditas tanto no Brasil quanto nos Estados Unidos. Assim, a presente dissertação busca pontuar e analisar todas as implicações que antecedem sua viagem de nove dias ao Brasil, como observador político, bem como abrange todos os fatos decorrentes de sua estada, os quais englobam a redação de seu relatório "Brazil and Vargas", além do início de sua amizade com Candido Portinari; a dissertação igualmente privilegia as conseqüências da viagem de Rockwell Kent ao Brasil, sempre partindo da análise dos documentos obtidos junto ao Smithsonian Institution, em Washington e ao Projeto Portinari, no Rio de Janeiro. Desse modo, tem-se um amplo campo de trabalho no qual é possível perceber as implicações de sua viagem dentro de um espectro mais amplo, envolvendo Brasil e Estados Unidos dentro do panorama intelectual, econômico, político e cultural de 1937 a 1955. / Abstract: Rockwell Kent's trip to Brazil in November, 1937, raises a series of new issues both in Brazil and the United States. Thus, this thesis aims at pointing out and analyzing all the implications preceding his nine-day trip to Brazil, as a political observer; besides, it also includes all the facts stemming from his stay, such as the making of his "Brazil and Vargas" report and the beginning of his friendship with Candido Portinari. Furthermore, this thesis studies the consequences of Rockwell Kent's trip to Brazil, based on the analysis of the documents obtained from the Smithsonian Institution, in Washington D.C, and the Portinari Project, in Rio de Janeiro. Therefore, this thesis presents a huge field of study in which it is possible to perceive the implications of such a trip within a larger scope, involving Brazil and the United States in the intellectual, economic, political and cultural panorama from 1937 to 1955. / Mestrado / Historia da Arte / Mestre em História da Arte

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Race and politics have played an important part in shaping the history of the United States, from the first arrival of African slaves in the early seventeenth century to the election of an African-American president in 2008. The Great Depression and the New Deal represent a period that was no exception to the influence of race and politics. After Franklin Roosevelt succeeded Herbert Hoover to the American presidency, there was much faith and hope expressed on the editorial pages of the Indianapolis Recorder that African Americans would be treated fairly under the New Deal. Hope began to wane when little political patronage was dispensed, in the form of government jobs, once the Democrats took office in 1933. As the first incarnation of the New Deal progressed, African Americans continued to experience prejudice, segregation, unfair wages, and generally a “raw deal.” But what was more, African-American women and men were not given a fair opportunity to ensure for themselves better political, social, and economic standing in the future. This struggle for full-fledged citizenship was further underscored when Congress failed to pass anti-lynching legislation in 1934 and 1935. The New Dealers, Franklin Roosevelt chief among them, did not seize the opportunity presented by the Great Depression to push for civil rights and social justice for African Americans. Their intent was not necessarily malicious. A more nuanced view of the issues shows that political expedience, and a measure of indifference, led the New Dealers to not treat civil rights as the pressing issue that it was. Roosevelt and the New Dealers believed that they faced the potential for significant resistance to their economic recovery program from Southern Democrats on Capitol Hill if they tried to interfere with race relations in the South. This thesis examines the first years of the Roosevelt Administration, roughly 1933 through 1936. This timeframe was carefully chosen because it was a period when the issues surrounding race and racism were brought to the fore. In the initial period of the New Deal we can see how Roosevelt met and failed to meet the expectations of African Americans. The prevailing view among the African American leadership in 1935, argued Harvard Sitkoff, was that the federal government had “betrayed [African Americans] under the New Deal.” Sitkoff referred to these “denunciations of the New Deal by blacks” as commonplace from 1933 to 1935. But beginning with the Second New Deal in the middle 1930s the criticism turned to applause.

L'application programmée de l'Amgot, lors de la libération de la France en 1944 s'est heurtée à la farouche opposition de de Gaulle. Cette thèse fut reprise pendant 50 ans dans l'historiographie française. Les études américaines considèrent plutôt les Affaires civiles des armées alliées, corps chargé du gouvernement militaire, comme une contingence. Pour disposer d'une évaluation des moyens, de l'emploi et des objectifs des Affaires civiles, nous étudions qualitativement et quantitativement ses capacités, ainsi que ses doctrines. En employant les sources diplomatiques, nous essayons de discerner les volontés américaines, mais aussi les perceptions françaises. Nous nous attardons sur une vision plus réaliste de la politique de Roosevelt pour montrer que les relations hostiles envers de Gaulle ne sont pas que personnelles mais découlent d'oppositions politiques concrètes. Cette étude permet finalement de déterminer la puissance réelle des Affaires civiles et d'estimer si elles furent un instrument politique ou une contingence.