Pitirim A. Sorokin est l'un des plus importants sociologues américains du XXe siècle. Ses contributions à la sociologie sont non seulement nombreuses, mais surtout diversifiées. La majorité de ses ouvrages furent traduits et toutes les grandes langues du monde ont accès à au moins un de ses livres. Cependant, en Occident, sa carrière précédant son émigration aux États-Unis fut longtemps négligée, les critiques s'intéressant plutôt à ses écrits post-Russie. Par ailleurs, très peu d'écrits francophones existent sur cette grande figure de la sociologie américaine. Remédiant à cette situation, ce mémoire revisite la vie et l'oeuvre de Sorokin en Russie et présente aux lecteurs contemporains la partie éclipsée de sa carrière. Plus précisément, la recherche porte sur la carrière russe de Pitirim A. Sorokin d'un point de vue biographique et sociologique. La question au coeur du travail est la suivante : Comment expliquer la production sociologique de Pitirim A. Sorokin en Russie? Dans une première partie est présentée sa biographie entre 1889 et 1923. L'objectif est de décrire la formation de son habitus et les diverses positions qu'il occupa. La seconde partie, quant à elle, résume les recherches produites par le sociologue avant son exil et montre en quoi ses prises de positions scientifiques furent déterminées par son parcours. / Pitirim Aleksandrovich Sorokin is one of the greatest American sociologists of the XXth century. His contributions to sociology are not only numerous but, more importantly, diversified. The majority of his writings have been translated and most of the languages of the world have at least access to one of his books. Nonetheless, in the Western world, his career before his emigration to the United-States has been neglected for a long time, because his critics were mostly interested in his writings post-Russia. Furthermore, very few French writings exist on this classic of American sociology. Solving this situation, this memoir revisit the life and work of Sorokin in Russia and presents to contemporary readers the eclipsed part of his career. More to the point, this research focuses on the Russian career of Pitirim A. Sorokin from a biographical and sociological point of view. The question at the center of it is as follow : How can one explain the sociological production of Pitirim A. Sorokin in Russia? In the first part, his biography from 1889 to 1923 will be presented. The objective is to describe the development of his ''habitus'' and the diverse positions that he occupied. The second part summarizes the researches produced by the sociologist before his exile and explain his scientific positions.

Estudo da evolução estética e política na obra de John Silas Reed (1897-1920) a partir de, fundamentalmente, duas de suas obras: seu primeiro livro, Insurgent Mexico (México Insurgente 1914) e seu último livro publicado em vida, Ten Days that Shook the World (Dez dias que abalaram o mundo 1919). A partir da crítica materialista-dialética a dissertação aborda o percurso de John Reed e procura demonstrar, numa leitura comparada entre as duas obras, como a transformação da visão política de seu autor se expressa na transformação estética de suas obras. Também se procura fazer uma leitura crítica da recepção de John Reed e a interpretação de sua obra nas décadas posteriores à sua morte / A study regarding the aesthetical and political development within the work of John Silar Reed (1897-1920) based upon, fundamentally, two of his books: his first one, Insurgent Mexico (1914), and the last one published in his lifetime, Ten Days that Shook the World (1919). From the dialetical-materialistic standpoint, the study approaches John Reeds life and tries to demonstrate, through a compared Reading between these two books, how the transformation in the authors political view is related to the aesthetical transformation in his writing and literary composition. John Reed works reception and criticism is also critically regarded

Os argumentos que apresentaremos ao longo das páginas seguintes terão como fio condutor as reações de uma parcela da intelligentsia alemã à revolução russa de 1905. Mesmo antes de se tornar palco de eventos revolucionários de importância central para os destinos políticos do continente, a Rússia já exercia algum magnetismo sobre as camadas cultas da Alemanha em virtude de suas realizações no plano cultural. No entanto, a partir dos conflitos subsequentes ao domingo sangrento, os alemães vieram também a nutrir interesse pelos eventuais reflexos desse processo revolucionário no contexto político em que estavam inseridos. Essa afirmação será corroborada mediante a análise crítica de escritos que algumas das personalidades intelectuais mais fecundas em atividade na Alemanha Guilhermina dedicaram às disputas em curso no império do czar. Mais especificamente, confrontaremos os artigos de Max Weber embasados numa combinação peculiar entre nacionalismo germânico e a tradição liberal e as avaliações produzidas pelas diferentes vertentes do pensamento socialdemocrata que disputavam entre si o conteúdo das diretrizes daquele que figurava então como o maior e mais respeitado partido marxista da II Internacional. Nesse último caso, trata-se de desvendar como as polêmicas travadas entre Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky e Rosa Luxemburg acerca da viabilidade da greve de massas na Alemanha estiveram impregnadas de leituras particulares a respeito da distância entre as condições da luta de classes no Kaiserreich e as peculiaridades daquele tecido societário onde o proletariado despontava, pela primeira vez, como força protagonista e hegemônica de transformações com alcance revolucionário. Em resumo, demonstraremos que os juízos emitidos por esses autores sobre a revolução russa estiveram imbuídos por reflexões subjacentes que, explicita ou implicitamente, diziam respeito aos tensionamento políticos e sociais que acompanharam o processo de modernização da Alemanha. Em sentido metafórico, defenderemos a ideia de que a Rússia apresentou-se-lhes como um espelho convexo, no qual a imagem da Alemanha teria sido refletida, ainda que, obviamente, de maneira distorcida. / The statements presented in the following pages will focus the reaction of some representative members of the German intelligentsia towards the Russian revolution of 1905. Due to its achievements in the cultural field, Russia already exercised a sort of magnectical attraction upon the German cultural stratum, even before it became the scenery of revolutionary events of central importance for the political destiny of the European continent. Neverthless, those conflicts that ensued the bloody Sunday also roused concerns about the possible reflexes of this revolutionary proccess in their own political context. This assertion will be corroborated by the critical analysis of the writings that some among the most prominent intellectual personalities in Wilhelminian Germany devoted to the disputes in the empire of the tsar. More specifically, I intend to consider Max Weber\'s articles which were based on a peculiar combination of German nacionalism and the liberal tradition in relation to the judgments of the different social democratic tendencies envolved in the debate over the course of the major party within the Second International. Thus, I will make an attempt to shed some light on how the controversies between Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg over the feasibility of the political mass strike methods in Germany were infused with particular interpretations concerning the distance between the class struggle conditions in the Kaiserreich and the peculiarities which characterized that social tissue where the proletariat emerged for the first time as protagonist and hegemonical force of revolutionary transformations. In short, it will be shown that these authors\' formulations about the Russian revolution were pervaded by underlying reflections that implicitly or explicitly referred to the social and political tensions that accompanied the modernization proccess in Germany. Metaphorically, I will support the proposition that Russia appeared to them as a convex mirror, where the image of Germany would have been reflected, even though in a distorted manner.

Os argumentos que apresentaremos ao longo das páginas seguintes terão como fio condutor as reações de uma parcela da intelligentsia alemã à revolução russa de 1905. Mesmo antes de se tornar palco de eventos revolucionários de importância central para os destinos políticos do continente, a Rússia já exercia algum magnetismo sobre as camadas cultas da Alemanha em virtude de suas realizações no plano cultural. No entanto, a partir dos conflitos subsequentes ao domingo sangrento, os alemães vieram também a nutrir interesse pelos eventuais reflexos desse processo revolucionário no contexto político em que estavam inseridos. Essa afirmação será corroborada mediante a análise crítica de escritos que algumas das personalidades intelectuais mais fecundas em atividade na Alemanha Guilhermina dedicaram às disputas em curso no império do czar. Mais especificamente, confrontaremos os artigos de Max Weber embasados numa combinação peculiar entre nacionalismo germânico e a tradição liberal e as avaliações produzidas pelas diferentes vertentes do pensamento socialdemocrata que disputavam entre si o conteúdo das diretrizes daquele que figurava então como o maior e mais respeitado partido marxista da II Internacional. Nesse último caso, trata-se de desvendar como as polêmicas travadas entre Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky e Rosa Luxemburg acerca da viabilidade da greve de massas na Alemanha estiveram impregnadas de leituras particulares a respeito da distância entre as condições da luta de classes no Kaiserreich e as peculiaridades daquele tecido societário onde o proletariado despontava, pela primeira vez, como força protagonista e hegemônica de transformações com alcance revolucionário. Em resumo, demonstraremos que os juízos emitidos por esses autores sobre a revolução russa estiveram imbuídos por reflexões subjacentes que, explicita ou implicitamente, diziam respeito aos tensionamento políticos e sociais que acompanharam o processo de modernização da Alemanha. Em sentido metafórico, defenderemos a ideia de que a Rússia apresentou-se-lhes como um espelho convexo, no qual a imagem da Alemanha teria sido refletida, ainda que, obviamente, de maneira distorcida. / The statements presented in the following pages will focus the reaction of some representative members of the German intelligentsia towards the Russian revolution of 1905. Due to its achievements in the cultural field, Russia already exercised a sort of magnectical attraction upon the German cultural stratum, even before it became the scenery of revolutionary events of central importance for the political destiny of the European continent. Neverthless, those conflicts that ensued the bloody Sunday also roused concerns about the possible reflexes of this revolutionary proccess in their own political context. This assertion will be corroborated by the critical analysis of the writings that some among the most prominent intellectual personalities in Wilhelminian Germany devoted to the disputes in the empire of the tsar. More specifically, I intend to consider Max Weber\'s articles which were based on a peculiar combination of German nacionalism and the liberal tradition in relation to the judgments of the different social democratic tendencies envolved in the debate over the course of the major party within the Second International. Thus, I will make an attempt to shed some light on how the controversies between Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky and Rosa Luxemburg over the feasibility of the political mass strike methods in Germany were infused with particular interpretations concerning the distance between the class struggle conditions in the Kaiserreich and the peculiarities which characterized that social tissue where the proletariat emerged for the first time as protagonist and hegemonical force of revolutionary transformations. In short, it will be shown that these authors\' formulations about the Russian revolution were pervaded by underlying reflections that implicitly or explicitly referred to the social and political tensions that accompanied the modernization proccess in Germany. Metaphorically, I will support the proposition that Russia appeared to them as a convex mirror, where the image of Germany would have been reflected, even though in a distorted manner.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

This dissertation is about American Red Cross and YMCA work in revolutionary and civil war Russia. It focuses on the most significant phases of these organizations’ efforts in terms of the numbers of personnel involved and the funds expended: Moscow and Petrograd, 1917–18; northern Russia during the Allied military intervention, 1918–19; and Siberia and the Russian Far East, from 1918 through the early 1920s. By drawing on dozens of often underused archival collections this study is able to discuss these “constructive efforts” in much fuller detail than have existing works. The activities of the Americans who worked in Russia, rather than those who made policy from afar, are of primary interest. The concern here, beyond the what, where, and who, is why: Why did American relief or social service work occur? The answers, of which there are several, include a desire to provide assistance to suffering populations. But the humanitarian impulse was often not the one that carried the day when decisions about policy and practice were taken. Military concerns were important, especially while the Great War still raged on the western front, and while Allied and American soldiers fought Russian Bolsheviks. American relief workers also saw themselves as contributing directly to relations between Russia and Russians on the one hand, and the United States, the Allies, and the American people on the other. They were moved to carry out their work because they saw the importance of it for the present and future of relations between the two countries. Americans in Russia also took advantage of the presence of soldiers, civilian refugees, and former prisoners of war from a variety of European countries to spread the good word about all things American. Ultimately, Americans viewed revolutionary Russia through the lens of modernization. With American help, the future could be bright. With the right leadership in place to oversee their education, honest, hardworking, and intellectually curious peasants (as they were described by contemporary observers) could be turned into modern citizens. The Russian project failed to achieve its promise, but for a time Americans retained their optimism about Russia’s future.

Estudo da evolução estética e política na obra de John Silas Reed (1897-1920) a partir de, fundamentalmente, duas de suas obras: seu primeiro livro, Insurgent Mexico (México Insurgente 1914) e seu último livro publicado em vida, Ten Days that Shook the World (Dez dias que abalaram o mundo 1919). A partir da crítica materialista-dialética a dissertação aborda o percurso de John Reed e procura demonstrar, numa leitura comparada entre as duas obras, como a transformação da visão política de seu autor se expressa na transformação estética de suas obras. Também se procura fazer uma leitura crítica da recepção de John Reed e a interpretação de sua obra nas décadas posteriores à sua morte / A study regarding the aesthetical and political development within the work of John Silar Reed (1897-1920) based upon, fundamentally, two of his books: his first one, Insurgent Mexico (1914), and the last one published in his lifetime, Ten Days that Shook the World (1919). From the dialetical-materialistic standpoint, the study approaches John Reeds life and tries to demonstrate, through a compared Reading between these two books, how the transformation in the authors political view is related to the aesthetical transformation in his writing and literary composition. John Reed works reception and criticism is also critically regarded

Zentrale Aufgabe der russischen Gouverneure war es für Ruhe und Ordnung in den Provinzen zu sorgen. Damit wurden sie zu zentralen Akteuren der ersten Russischen Revolution von 1905-1907, in der sie bei der Auflösung von Streiks, Aufständen und ländlichen Unruhen persönlich vermitteln sollten. Die an der Mikrogeschichte orientierte Frage nach den Einflüssen des revolutionären Raums auf die Praktiken und Inszenierung ihrer Herrschaft steht im Mittelpunkt dieser Arbeit. Seit der Gründung des Gouverneursamtes waren die Gouverneure als Stellvertreter des Zaren mit einer umfassenden Machtfülle ausgestattet und zählten zu den wichtigsten Stützen der autokratischen Herrschaft im imperialen Russland. Die eingeübten Herrschaftspraktiken der Gouverneure wurden in der Revolution von 1905-1907 auf eine harte Probe gestellt und verlangten von den Stellvertretern des Zaren sich der neuen Situation anzupassen und ihre Herrschaft neu zu inszenieren. Wie sich die Repräsentationen der Autokratie und ihrer Vertreter unter dem Druck des sozialen und gesellschaftlichen Wandels veränderten, spiegelte sich unter anderem in den Begegnungen zwischen den Gouverneuren und den Bewohnern der Provinzen. Die persönliche Anwesenheit und die individuelle Ausgestaltung des Amtes stellten eine Konstante in den Herrschaftspraktiken der Gouverneure dar. Dies ermöglichte es ihnen entweder als Vollstrecker des zarischen Willen Aufstände niederzuschlagen oder als Vertrauens- und Konfliktvermittler aufzutreten und damit am Sieg der Autokratie über die revolutionären Kräfte entscheidend mitzuwirken. / The primary task of the Russian governors was to provide peace and order in the provinces. This is why they were central protagonists of the first Russian Revolution of 1905-1907. Here they personally had to enter into conflicts like for instance strikes, peasant disturbances and uprisings. Which effect this revolutionary space had on the governors'' way to rule, in their ability to use their symbolic power and on their old fashioned practices to solve conflicts, is the leading question of this book. Since the establishment of the gubernatorial office during Peter the Great''s reign the governors were the viceroys of the czar in the provinces. Provided with immense power the governors were very important supporters of the autocratic regime. But the violent revolution of 1905-1907 put the established ways to rule and practiced rituals to hard test and demanded from the governors skills for adaptation and improvisation in many difficult situations. The representations of the autocracy changed. This can for example be studied in the direct encounters between the governors and the inhabitants of the provinces. The personal presence of the governor and his ability to individually define his politics in the gubernatorial office were two important moments in the viceroys'' power in the provinces. These enabled them to act as the executors of the Czar''s intentions. In this role the governors could strike down riots and disturbances violently but could also act as trust brokers and mediators of conflicts. This scope of action and how the individual governor filled in his role therefore had a deep impact of the autocratic victory over the revolutionary forces.

Basé sur des documents authentiques rares et inédits, ce travail a pour but d’étoffer une nouvelle image de la Révolution russe via les revues satiriques de l’époque. Ces revues sont de véritables œuvres d’art révolutionnaires qui interrogent la liberté de la presse et l’art durant une période charnière en Russie. Il s’agit d’une témoignage direct de cette année révolutionnaire, véhiculé par des artistes avant-gardistes libérés de la censure, et qui vont, au fil des semaines, composer une image originale de l’année 2017 et des deux révolutions russes de février et d’octobre au travers des couvertures illustrées. Afin de conserver la dynamique chronologique des événements, les revues ont été mises en parallèle avec les témoignages écrits d’époque, de personnalités diverses telles que Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paléologue, ou encore John S. Reed. Tous ont accompagné les bouleversements révolutionnaires à leur manière et constituent l’écho historique de ces revues satiriques illustrées qui nous permettent de plonger au cœur même du quotidien des révolutions russes caractérisant une nouvelle image de la Révolution, mouvante, singulière et remarquable. / Based on rare and authentic documents, this work endeavors to elaborate a new image of the Russian Revolution through satirical magazines of the time. These illustrated reviews are genuine works of art that question freedom of the press and art itself during a transnational period in Russia. They serve as a direct testimony of this revolutionary year, providing an original image of the two Russian revolutions of February and October and featuring on the review’s front cover week after week avant-garde artists freed from censorship of the press. In order to preserve the chronological dynamic of the events, satirical reviews are coupled with historical testimony of various writers such as Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paleologue, and John S. Reed, among others. All of them had supported the revolutionary turmoil in their own way and constitute an historical echo of the illustrated satirical reviews allowing us to plunge into the heart of daily life during the two Russian revolutions, and thus creating a new image of the Revolution, set in motion, single-minded, and noteworthy.

Diploma thesis - The theme of communism in the current school education program - is dealing partly with defining the basic concepts such as ideology, totalitarianism, socialism, communism or nazism. The individual terms are characterized on the basis of specialized literature and basic information about them is provided. It also concentrates on the theme of the Russian Revolution and its impact on the development of communism in Europe. Furthermore, the work provides evidence of how insufficient is the theme of communism in civic education lessons in primary schools currently discussed. Although there are also modern civic education textbooks published in recent years, the topic of communism appears there only occasionally. As for the websites that can be used for processing of this topic, pages of General educational program or program One World in Schools can be used. These, however, provide materials only, and it is up to the teachers to decide how to use them in lessons of civic education when discussing this topic. The practical part consists of the actual learning program that is broken down by lessons. The conclusion is accompanied by all the necessary attachments. Based on the application of the program in practice it was found that students in the program understood the basic information and also appreciated working with modern technology in the teaching. It is also shown that the program was successfully implemented in practice.