En se concentrant sur les relations entre guerre et criminalité, cette étude se penche sur les transformations des activités criminelles en temps de guerre et sur l’influence du conflit sino-japonais sur les crimes et délits à Shanghai entre 1937 et 1942. Autour trois types de crimes principaux: l’atteinte aux biens, l’homicide et les infractions sur les stupéfiants, cette recherche examine les changements de la criminalité suscitée par l’évolution de l’environnement de Shanghai. La ville de Shanghai a en effet été marquée par des transformations radicales, autant sur le plan politique, qu’économique, social et spatial suite à l’éclatement de la guerre sino-japonaise à l’été 1937. Pour atteindre cet objectif, nous déploierons trois grandes méthodes de travail : comparaison quantitative, exploitation des statistiques et analyse spatiale. Pour éclairer les mutations de la criminalité et de l’ordre public entraînées par la guerre, nous comparerons l’importance quantitative relative des crimes et délits entre deux périodes : la décennie de Nanjing (1927-1936) d’une part et la période de guerre d’autre part. Nous réaliserons également une analyse statistique de l’évolution des activités criminelles en temps de guerre pour révéler la diversité des situations criminelles au cours de cette période spécifique qu’est la guerre. Enfin, en s’appuyant sur le logiciel de Système d’Information Géographique (SIG), nous proposerons une analyse spatiale de la criminalité pour évaluer l’importance de la dimension spatiale de la criminalité mettre au jour la forte corrélation entre criminalité et espace. / By focusing on the relationship between war and criminality, this study concentrates on the transformation of crime and the influence of this conflict on crimes in Shanghai during the years of the hostilities. Around three main types of crimes: offence against property, homicide and drug crime, this research examines the change of crime caused by the evolution of the environment of Shanghai, which has actually undergone a radical modification in politics, economy, society and urban space after the outbreak of the war in the summer of 1937. In order to realize this objective, three main methods are used in this study: a quantitative comparison, statistical and spatial analysis. So as to highlight the change in the situation of criminality and in the public order after the eruption of the war, a quantitative comparison between the crimes during the Nanjing decade (1927-1936) and the period of war is carried out. Meanwhile, a statistical analysis of the evolution of criminal activities in the different years of the wartime is implemented to reveal the various state of crime in different periods of the war. Finally, based on GIS software, a spatial analysis is performed to confirm the correlation between crimes and the spatial factor.

xv, 322 p. : ill. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / This dissertation examines formal and popular campaigns against collaborators during the second Sino-Japanese war of 1937-1945, considering the role of these campaigns in the political struggles of the Nationalist (Guomindang) government, the interplay between discourses of law and morality, and the interactions of legal professionals, intellectuals, and commoners in the development of Chinese nationalism and anti-imperialism. During the Sino-Japanese war, the Japanese army occupied vast areas in China and sponsored puppet regimes at central and local levels in areas under its occupation. These regimes variously attracted, persuaded, or forced a large number of Chinese officials, intellectuals, and local elites to work in their administrations. The Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, which was the central Chinese government since 1928, retreated to the inland city of Chongqing to organize resistance against Japan. The Nationalist government labeled collaborators as hanjian , "traitors to the Han." The word became widely used in legal regulations, popular literature, and newspapers and became the most derogatory and politically disastrous title possible for a Chinese citizen. Individuals designated hanjian were exposed to public humiliation, confiscation of land and property, and the threat of assassination. Chiang Kai-shek's government also called for the common people to expose hanjian . Most such accusations were then transformed into legal procedures. These accusations resulted in varying and often unfair sentences. Designed by the Nationalist government to harness the force of popular nationalism and to restore justice, the anti- hanjian campaigns instead inadvertently exposed the corruption and incompetence of the Nationalist government and damaged the post-war construction effort. / Committee in charge: Bryna Goodman, Chairperson, History; Andrew Goble, Member, History; Ina Asim, Member, History; Tze-lan Sang, Outside Member, East Asian Languages & Literature

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences / Department of Communication

This dissertation consists of three essays in applied microeconomics on the economics of science. The first chapter contribute to the understanding of fairness and recognition in innovation systems. The second and third chapters study the effect of government policies and university relocation on science and education outcomes respectively. The first paper, coauthored with Zihao Li, studies gender difference in innovation recognition using patent citations. We propose a method to quantify under-citation, by constructing a “should-cite” list for each of over 1.5 million patents based on textual similarity, using state-of-the-art natural language processing technique. We find that female-authored patents are approximately 12% more likely to be under-cited than male-authored patents. Additionally, male inventors are far more likely to under-cite patents written by female inventors. Our findings are consistent with the testable implications of taste-based discrimination but not statistical discrimination. Welfare analysis shows that past under-citations negatively impact future patenting activities, especially for female inventors. The second paper, coauthored with Elliott Ash, Mirko Draca and David Cai studies the impact of a large-scale scientist recruitment program – China’s Junior Thousand Talents Plan – on the productivity of recruited scholars and their local peers in Chinese host universities. Using a comprehensive dataset of published scientific articles, we estimate effects on quantity and quality in a matched difference-in-differences framework. We observe neutral direct productivity effects for participants over a 6-year post-period: an initial drop is followed by a fully offsetting recovery. However, the program participants collaborate at higher rates with more junior China-based co-authors at their host institutions. Looking to peers in the hosting department, we observe positive and rising productivity impacts for peer scholars, equivalent to approximately 0.6 of a publication per peer scholar in the long run. Heterogeneity analysis and the absence of correlated resource effects point to the peer effect being rooted in a knowledge spillover mechanism. The third paper studies the long run effect on local education outcomes of the temporary exodus of Chinese universities in the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). During the war, over 80% of China’s universities, along with the top tiers of China’s educated talents were forced to relocate to inland underdeveloped areas during the war. We find that the large inflow of educated elite intellectuals and universities increased local supply of secondary schools by 6.6% during and after the war period, indicating the effect cascades to lower tiers of education. However, such trend does not persist into the People’s Republic of China (PRC) era and we find limited effect on local education outcomes in the long run. We discuss the salience of locational fundamentals and education policies in explaining the absence of persistence.

The outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937 triggered many responses amongst the American public, including a number of private initiatives in medical aid that occupied a borderland between traditional humanitarian relief and political activism. This study is interested in the stories of three organisations arising in this tradition: the American Medical Bureau to Aid Spanish Democracy (AMBASD), the American Bureau for Medical Aid to China (ABMAC), and the China Aid Council (CAC). While three separate initiatives in terms of who was responsible for their creation in the United States, and the communities they sought to help abroad, all three demonstrate parallels in their foundation and development that merit a joint historical consideration. Emerging from the backdrop of isolationism in U.S. foreign policy, the AMBASD, ABMAC, and CAC became a means of voicing both political and humanitarian ideals through the medium of medicine. In many ways, this thesis becomes a study of lost causes. As political campaigns, none of the organisations in this study succeeded in changing U.S. policy, although the ABMAC and CAC benefitted from interests that overlapped with larger changes in U.S. military alliances. As humanitarian organisations, only one (the ABMAC) lived past the conflict to which it owed its foundation. Their story, however, retains its historical interest in challenging both the way in which we examine the mythology of humanitarian idealism, and our understanding of the balance between internationalism and isolationism in the 1930’s United States. For the medical activists of these organizations, medical aid offered both a tangible outlet for personal ethical and political beliefs, but also promised an alternative means of diplomacy that brought greater agency to more popular levels.

日本自古以來便自外於中華朝貢制度，為東亞之異例。至明治維新後，中日兩國外交糾紛不斷。近代中日間最初之外交衝突為台灣事件。中國因此事件察覺到日本之野心，開始提防日本。其結果，反刺激日本國內之強硬論者，兩國開始步向衝突。日本面對中國此一大國，不論是作為競爭對手，或是侵略對象，開始積極關注中國政治發展之動向。特別在引發中日甲午戰爭的朝鮮問題上，日本著力最多。本論文想一探甲午開戰前日本人對中國觀點的變化。 當時日本發行多份報紙。各家報社有其不同政治立場，其社論亦各有趣旨。筆者認為由報紙研究日本的對中國觀點，確有其價值。因此，本論文主要使用之史料為明治時期之報紙，以學界先進之研究為基礎，想由新聞報導中找出當時日本之對中國觀，再將報導中的對中國觀與當時日本政府之對中國政策比較分析，藉以探究日本政府之對中國觀。 本論文之研究範圍由1873年起，至1894年甲午戰爭爆發為止前後共21年。清日修好條規並未為中日雙方帶來長久的和平，隨即兩國外交關係日漸惡化，到甲午戰爭之時互相敵視終至無法挽回。本論文之目的是想探討日本輿論、政府與知識份子從清日修好條規到甲午戰爭這段期間，他們對中國觀點之轉化，究竟對兩國關係起了什麼樣的影響；關鍵何在？ / Japan was a unique state in East Asia because it kept away from the Chinese tributary system. Therefore, Japan had diplomatic issue with China after the Meiji Restoration. The first diplomatic issue was the Taiwan problem. After this affair, China noticed Japan’s ambition of oversea expansion and began to take keen interests in Japan’s ambitions. On the contrary, this result leads to conflict between both countries by the motivation of the Japanese domestic debaters. Consequently, Japan also viewing China as such a powerful country begun to observe it as a competitor or a target for invasion. Especially due to the Korea problem, which caused the first Sino-Japanese war, lasted for a period of over 20 years. And it is this situation and period that I want to conduct my research on by viewing the Japanese view of China during that period. A lot of newspapers were published in Japan at that period. And each one had different political positions and editorial intent. And I think Japan’s view of China as portrayed as in the newspapers of that time has its own value. So I intend to use the newspapers of the Meiji era as the primary source of historical material. And use the senior researcher’s study as background. I hope therefore, that I can find out Japanese view on China in the newspapers. In this case, I want to compare the newspaper’s view of China and the Japanese government’s view to analyze the whole Japan’s view of China. This thesis looks at the period from 1873 to 1894, which is from the treaty of amity between Qing Empire and Japan Empire to first Sino-Japanese war. Though a treaty has been signed, peace was still limited between the two countries. The two countries’ emotions to each other were getting worse and worse. Finally the two countries antagonized to a situation that could not be repaired. The purpose of this thesis is how the Japanese newspapers, the government and the highbrow’s view of China changed in those 21 years between the treaty of amity between Qing Empire and Japan Empire and the First Sino-Japanese war.

Cette thèse se propose d’étudier le gouvernement collaborateur dirigé par Wang Jingwei (1940-1945) à la croisée de deux trajectoires : celle de l’État chinois moderne et celle de l’Empire japonais. Au-delà d’un approfondissement des connaissances sur l’occupation japonaise en Chine, mon travail ambitionne d’enrichir le champ des études sur l’État lui-même. Une telle approche ne va pas de soi, tant le caractère « fantoche » attribué à ce régime par l’historiographie chinoise l’a longtemps isolé du reste de la période et cantonné à une histoire des tenants idéologiques de la collaboration. Sans évacuer cet aspect, mon approche consiste à l’inscrire dans une étude politique et sociale du gouvernement et de l'administration, afin de saisir le fonctionnement réel de la machine étatique en zone occupée. Pour ce faire, je développe le concept d’État d’occupation, qui désigne l’ensemble formé par les organisations japonaises (institutions militaires et civiles) et chinoises (gouvernements collaborateurs locaux), établies afin d’administrer la Chine occupée. La construction de cet État, qui visa, à partir de 1940, à intégrer ces organisations derrière la façade du gouvernement de Wang Jingwei, fut détournée par des logiques de formation, nées des contradictions entre ses différents acteurs. Ce processus est examiné en adoptant des focales différentes. La première partie étudie la mise en place de l’État d’occupation du point de vue japonais, en montrant l’impact qu’eurent, l’un sur l’autre, centre et périphérie au sein de l’Empire nippon. Je reviens ensuite sur la genèse de cet État d’occupation, jusqu’à la formation du gouvernement de Wang Jingwei. La deuxième partie réduit la focale pour s’intéresser à l’organisation particulière de ce dernier, dont la spécificité, par rapport aux autres régimes collaborateurs, provenait de l’ambition qu’avait le groupe de Wang de restaurer le Gouvernement nationaliste légitime dans le cadre d’un « retour à la capitale ». La troisième partie, enfin, se penche sur le cas de la fonction publique en zone occupée, dont le cadre institutionnel et idéologique est mis en regard avec les conditions de vie des agents. / This dissertation studies the collaboration government headed by Wang Jingwei (1940-1945) at the crossroads of two trajectories: those of China’s modern state and Japan’s Empire. More broadly, my work aims at enriching the field of state-building research. Such an approach may seem counter-intuitive, as this regime is still labelled a "puppet" by Chinese historiography, which has cast it aside from the rest of the period and confined it to an ideological history of collaboration. I consider it within the context of a political and social study of government and administration, which tries to grasp the real functioning of the state machine in the occupied zone. For this purpose, I develop the concept of occupation state, i.e. a larger apparatus than the sole collaboration regimes, which included Japanese military and civilian agencies as well as Chinese local governments. From 1940 on, the state-building process aimed at integrating these organizations behind the façade of the Wang Jingwei government. However, it was diverted by a formation process, which resulted from the contradictions between its different actors. I explore this process from three different angles. The first part studies the establishment of the occupation state from the Japanese point of view, showing the mutual impact of centre and periphery within the Japanese Empire. Then, it follows the genesis of the occupation state up to the establishment of the Wang Jingwei government. The second part focuses on the experience of the latter, whose specificity, compared to other pro-Japanese regimes, was the ambition of the Wang group to restore the legitimate nationalist government as part of a "return to the capital". Thirdly, I look at the administrative personnel’s institutional and ideological framework as well as their living conditions.

本論文探討臺灣在中日締結馬關條約被割讓予日本之際，由清廷臺灣巡撫劉銘傳時期所鋪設完成的閩臺海底電線，如何讓售日本的過程。在1895年6月馬關條約規定中日兩國應於締約後的2個月時間完成臺灣之移交，然而日方全權代表樺山資紀卻突然向中方全權代表李經方提出閩臺電線一併移交日本的要求，因此展開中日交涉閩臺電線歸屬之外交問題，使得閩臺電線問題成為甲午戰後中日之間遺留下來的臺灣問題。1898年12月7日，中日訂定閩臺電線讓售合同，解決閩臺電線之歸屬問題。從此以後，閩臺電線才正式屬於日本所有。 　　本研究之結果發現，閩臺電線之中日交涉問題與甲午戰後東亞國際情勢之發展有密不可分的關係。例如當時居於弱勢的中國聯合英國大東電報公司與丹麥大北電報公司，讓日本無法將新得到的閩臺電線進一步向福建內陸延長，確保中國對外電報之自主權。最後就是1904年2月爆發日俄戰爭，臺灣總督府為了搶修受損的閩臺電線，不顧中國福州海關的意見，將閩臺電線修復，差點引發另一場中日糾紛。從日俄戰爭到1945年日本投降為止，以閩臺電線為中心，臺灣成為日本海外電信的樞紐據點。 / In 1895, the Qing Dynasty was forced to sign the Treaty of Shimonoseki(馬關條約) and cede Taiwan to Japan after losing the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895(中日甲午戰爭). According to agreement to transfer of Taiwan all question relating to the submarine cable between Fuchow and Tamsui(福州到淡水的海底電線：閩臺海底電線)are to be settled afterwards by both Government. In 12.7,1898, to signed a Convention of the submarine cable between Fuchow and Tamsui(閩臺電線讓售合同)by China and Japan, the submarine cable belonged to Japan. According to the research of the thesis, the negotiations between China and Japan upon the submarine cable between Fuchow and Tamsui correspond to the situation of North-East Asia after Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895. Finally, from the Russo-Japanese War to Surrender of Japanese in 1945, Taiwan became the hub of Japanese Overseas telecommunications with the submarine cable between Fuchow and Tamsui.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1998. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 481-518).

This thesis deals with the beginnings of the Japanese nationalism. It examines the role of the Sino- Japanese war of 1894-1895 in these beginnings in relation to other national consciousness forming factors. Govermental activities, such as education system and army reforms, and the effort to stress the emperor as a symbol of the Japanese people, and also activities of the intelectual strata, who influenced the society mainly through journalism, were especially prominent among them. It stresses the importance of the period media (newspapers, illustrated magazines, woodcut prints) and early modern theatre to the spread of the national consciousness among masses. It also shows how the way the war was conveyed in the media influenced the view the Japanese had of themselves and of the neighbouring countries. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)