Thesis (LL. M.)--York University, 2001. Graduate Programme in Law. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 205-237). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ66408.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

Sozialpolitik ist eine nationalstaatliche Angelegenheit. Das senkt die Chancen auf eine harmonisierte oder gar einheitliche europäische Sozialpolitik. Aus diesem Grund hat sich EU-Kommission darauf verlegt, soziale und soziostrukturelle Zielzustände zu definieren und zu erreichen (Ergebniskonvergenz), die Wahl der sozialpolitischen Wege dorthin aber den Mitgliedstaaten zu überlassen. Unter Rückgriff auf interessentheoretische Überlegungen lässt sich jedoch zeigen, dass unabhängig von den Bemühungen der Kommission innerhalb der EU auch die sozialpolitischen Strukturen, Institutionen und Verfahren inklusive der ihnen zugrundeliegenden Leitideen konvergieren (Verfahrenskonvergenz). Für eine Sozialunion ist dies eine wesentliche Voraussetzung. Dass trotz der verfahrenskonvergenten Entwicklung die Realisierungschancen für eine solche Sozialunion oder zumindest die Wahrscheinlichkeit supranational harmonisierter nationaler Sozialpolitiken in absehbarer Zeit nicht steigen werden, liegt einerseits an den Divergenzen der wirtschaftlichen Leistungsfähigkeit der EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Andererseits bleibt auch zu prüfen, inwieweit die sozialpolitischen Vorstellungen der EU mit den sich annähernden sozialpolitischen Verfahren in den EU-Mitgliedsstaaten in Übereinstimmung zu bringen sind. / Social policy is a nation-state matter. This reduces the prospects of a harmonized or even unified European social policy. For this reason, the EU Commission has resorted to defining the social target states to achieve (outcome convergence). The choice of the political way there is left to the Member countries. Relying on theoretical considerations concerning organized interests and power resources it can be shown, however, that irrespective of the efforts of the Commission the social political structures, institutions and procedures, including the underlying guidelines converge within the EU (process convergence). This is an essential precondition for a social union. Nevertheless, the opportunities to this social union or to supranationally harmonized national social policies will not increase in foreseeable future. This is partly due to the divergence of economic performance of EU Member States. On the other hand, it is to consider how the EU commission’s social-political ideas and the converging social policy processes in the EU Member states are to be reconciled.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

Canadian federalism has experienced pressure for change in recent years. By the end of the twentieth century, collaboration became the catch word and federations throughout the world, including Canada, witnessed an emergent movement toward collaborative governance, collaborative public service delivery, collaborative management and collaborative approaches to addressing social and economic issues. But even if the number of collaborative arrangements has grown since the 1990s, the understanding of the design, management and performance of collaborative arrangements in the Canadian federation remains weak. Accordingly, this dissertation argues that, in order to understand and open the black box of intergovernmental collaboration, it is necessary to put collaboration in a historical context and explore the roles of elites and political institutions in shaping intergovernmental collaborative practices. The role of the former provides the necessary complement of agency, while that of the latter represents a perspective that gives theoretical importance to political institutions. The integration of the two theoretical schools, elite theory and historical institutionalism, into one approach constitutes an attractive solution and offers the tools necessary to explore the complex processes of intergovernmental collaboration. The theoretical framework constructed in this dissertation is then applied to analyze whether the Agreement on Internal Trade, the Social Union Framework Agreement and the Council of the Federation can be considered in reality as examples of collaborative federalism.

This thesis attempts to develop our understanding of the ultimate interprovincial rupture at the signing of the Social Union Framework Agreement (the SUFA) on February 4, 1999. Questioning the widely accepted "money talk" explanation, which argues that increased federal transfers motivated the ROC provinces to go along with the federal government at the expense of an interprovincial common front with Quebec, this thesis suggests analyzing the dynamics of the SUFA negotiation process with special attention to the visions of Canadian federalism to which the ROC provinces, Quebec, and the federal government had subscribed respectively. This analysis demonstrates that the final split between the ROC provinces and Quebec resulted from their discord over the question whether or not Canada is a mononational federation or a multinational federation.

No description available.

The diploma thesis deals with the asylum policy of the Christian Social Union in Bavaria (CSU) in the period of two migration crises, i.e., in 1990-1993 and 2015-2017. Since the 1980s, the party has profiled itself as a major advocate of national interests in an effort to limit the high influx of immigrants and refugees, arguing not only by the enormous financial burden and frequent abuses of asylum law for the economic benefit of refugees. In response to these arguments, CSU made an asylum compromise in the early 1990s, an amendment to the Basic Law that defined the conditions under which a politically persecuted person can invoke the right to asylum, which is still part of German asylum law. However, since 2013, the German media has begun to pay attention to the CSU's friendlier rhetoric in the areas of migration and asylum, especially regarding the statements of the new Bavarian Minister of Labour, Social Affairs, Family and Integration, Emilia Müller. The text of the diploma thesis outlines the CSU's asylum policy approach in the background of both migration crises. Based on the analysis of official documents and party's periodical called Bayernkurier, the thesis states that there is a partial shift of Christian social rhetoric in the asylum policy of CSU. In conclusion, the thesis is devoted...

Sozialpolitik ist eine nationalstaatliche Angelegenheit. Das senkt die Chancen auf eine harmonisierte oder gar einheitliche europäische Sozialpolitik. Aus diesem Grund hat sich EU-Kommission darauf verlegt, soziale und soziostrukturelle Zielzustände zu definieren und zu erreichen (Ergebniskonvergenz), die Wahl der sozialpolitischen Wege dorthin aber den Mitgliedstaaten zu überlassen. Unter Rückgriff auf interessentheoretische Überlegungen lässt sich jedoch zeigen, dass unabhängig von den Bemühungen der Kommission innerhalb der EU auch die sozialpolitischen Strukturen, Institutionen und Verfahren inklusive der ihnen zugrundeliegenden Leitideen konvergieren (Verfahrenskonvergenz). Für eine Sozialunion ist dies eine wesentliche Voraussetzung. Dass trotz der verfahrenskonvergenten Entwicklung die Realisierungschancen für eine solche Sozialunion oder zumindest die Wahrscheinlichkeit supranational harmonisierter nationaler Sozialpolitiken in absehbarer Zeit nicht steigen werden, liegt einerseits an den Divergenzen der wirtschaftlichen Leistungsfähigkeit der EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Andererseits bleibt auch zu prüfen, inwieweit die sozialpolitischen Vorstellungen der EU mit den sich annähernden sozialpolitischen Verfahren in den EU-Mitgliedsstaaten in Übereinstimmung zu bringen sind.:Einleitung; Hindernisse intentionaler Konvergenz; Unintendierte Konvergenz?; Daten: sozialpolitische Konvergenz in Europa?; Schlussfolgerungen / Social policy is a nation-state matter. This reduces the prospects of a harmonized or even unified European social policy. For this reason, the EU Commission has resorted to defining the social target states to achieve (outcome convergence). The choice of the political way there is left to the Member countries. Relying on theoretical considerations concerning organized interests and power resources it can be shown, however, that irrespective of the efforts of the Commission the social political structures, institutions and procedures, including the underlying guidelines converge within the EU (process convergence). This is an essential precondition for a social union. Nevertheless, the opportunities to this social union or to supranationally harmonized national social policies will not increase in foreseeable future. This is partly due to the divergence of economic performance of EU Member States. On the other hand, it is to consider how the EU commission’s social-political ideas and the converging social policy processes in the EU Member states are to be reconciled.:Einleitung; Hindernisse intentionaler Konvergenz; Unintendierte Konvergenz?; Daten: sozialpolitische Konvergenz in Europa?; Schlussfolgerungen

В работе анализируется система управления общественной безопасностью в сфере компетенции МЧС России. МЧС России как социальный институт реализует обеспечение общественной безопасности, в том числе и защиту населения от чрезвычайных ситуаций природного и техногенного характера. В работе исследована роль добровольной пожарной охраны как элемента данного социального института и разработан проект, реализация которого повышает уровень обеспечения пожарной безопасности на территории Свердловской области. / Analyzing management system of social security in competence of ESM Russia. ESM Russia as social institution guarantees social security from natural and technological emergencies. Volunteering firefighters’ brigade is analyzed as essential element of recently mentioned institution; a project to enhance the civil fires security in Sverdlovskaya oblast region.