There has been an on-going discussion in the Swedish society about the media’s news reporting regarding the political party the Sweden democrats (Sverigedemokraterna.) Some claim that the party has been disfavored by systematically negative reports, others claim either that this is not the case or argue that the party is an extreme right wing party with racist tendencies, hence should not be treated like any other party. The report investigates news articles from four well known Swedish newspapers (Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Svenska Dagbladet and Ex- pressen) during two separate years - 2009 and 2017 (the years before an election year). In the period between these years the support for the Sweden Democrats increased fast, they entered the Swedish Parlia- ment and became one of the biggest partys. A content analysis has been used to answer the main question of the thesis: "Has the news reports by swedish newspapers regarding the Sweden Democrats changed be- tween 2009 and 2017?" The results show a possible slight increase of negative articles in 2017 as well as an increase of articles that presents the party as turbulent and violent, while the articles that presents the party as xenophobic or rasist decrease in comparison.

The aim of the thesis is to shed light upon how the Sweden Democrats, in their official party documents and in the party- funded newspaper Samtiden, crosses the line of hate speech. This thesis uses Parekh's model in identifying hate speech as a theory. The thesis is a comparative case study as it compares and analysis the Sweden Democrats official documents with the Samtidens articles. The method used to analyse the material is interpretive content analysis. The thesis reaches the conclusion that the documents from Sweden Democrat use an implicit and subtle form of hate speech, while the articles from Samtiden use a very explicit and aggressive form of hate speech.

The aim of this paper is twofold. Firstly, a systematic theology of the Sweden Democrats is reconstructed from the party’s party program (Valplattform 2021) and Swedish Church election pamphlet (En kyrka för Sverige). This theological reconstruction is limited to the categories of ecclesiology (the Church), theological anthropology (the Human Creature), and soteriology (Salvation), which together serve to detail the party’s theological vision for the Swedish Church, its members, and in turn, Swedish society. The aforementioned theological concepts are selected and consequently examined on account of the thematic attention and allocation they receive by the party. A qualitative method is further employed in an effort to explore to what extent the Sweden Democrats not only define their theological foundations but also utilize this basis in their political discourse. Secondly, the salience of religion, along with other works on populism in Europe, provides this paper with a theoretical framework to explore the populist underpinnings that support and inform the Sweden Democrats’ theological beliefs. This research concludes by demonstrating how the reconstructed theology in the election material provides utility for the party’s populist ambitions and empowers the Sweden Democrats to develop a Christian justification for their own vision of a homogenous social order.

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate what the crucial factors in shaping the political trend toward the right and right wing populism in Sweden are. In recent years, populism and certainly right wing populism has evolved into being a large part of Swedish politics as well as in the rest of the western world, where parties and political actors that are called populist are more and more successful and mainstream. The 2022 general elections in Sweden followed this trend, where Sverigedemokraterna (The Sweden Democrats) who are described and seen in Sweden and abroad as right wing populist, became the second largest party with over 20 percent of the total vote. As a consequence of that, they became a collaborating party to the new coalition government. This thesis has, through an analysis of data on the elections and exit polls from past elections analyzed with the help of the relevant theoretical framework through a method of a qualitative theory based analysis examined which factors have been instrumental in shaping the Swedish political landscape in the 21st century. The study came to identify that there certainly has been a shift and the right wing parties in particular Sverigedemokraterna have benefitted from this change. They have successfully used populism, nationalism and other concepts like euroscepticism to gain voter support, and force other political parties to move further in their direction but that there is no exact proof of how or why exactly they managed to do so other than educated and informed discussions on the possible causes.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att förklara vilka sociala och värderingsmässiga faktorer som ökar svenska väljares benägenhet att rösta på Sverigedemokraterna samt undersöka om den mediala och allmänt vedertagna föreställningen om SD-väljaren stämmer. Detta undersöktes med bivariata analyser och ett antal binära logistiska regressionsanalyser. Materialet som användes var ett dataset från European Social Survey från år 2012/13. De oberoende variablerna bestämdes utifrån vad teorin påvisade som möjliga förklaringsfaktorer för att rösta på ett högerextremt parti. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna var; teorin om massamhället, moderniseringens förlorare, xenofobi samt politiskt missnöje. Studiens resultat visar att attityder gällande invandring och låg utbildning är mycket viktiga faktorer för att förstå varför svenska väljare röstar på SD. Resultatet visar också att den mediala och allmänt vedertagna föreställningen om SD-väljaren som en ung, relativt lågutbildad man som känner sig utanför, är politiskt missnöjd och har extrema åsikter i vissa avseenden är delvis missvisande. Detta då resultatet visar att den typiska SD-väljaren är lågutbildad, politiskt missnöjd och har extrema åsikter i vissa avseenden. / The purpose of this essay was to explain which social and attitudinal factors that affect the Swedish voters tendency to vote for the Sweden Democrats and to study if the medial and generally accepted notion of the typical voter of the Sweden Democrats is true. To examine this a number of bivariate analyses and binary logistic regressions was made. The analyses were based on the European Social Survey 2012/13. The independent variables were determined by what our theories established as possible explanatory factors. The theoretical framework consisted of; the mass society theory, the theory of modernization losers, xenophobia and political dissatisfaction. Our results show that low education as well as attitudes towards immigration is important factors for understanding why Swedish voters vote for the Sweden Democrats. Furthermore the results suggests that the medial and generally accepted notion of the typical Sweden Democratic voter as a young, relatively low educated man that feels left out, is politically dissatisfied and has extreme views in some regards are partly misleading. This because the results show that the typical Sweden Democratic voter is low educated, politically dissatisfied and has extreme views in some regards.

I denna uppsats kommer värdegrunden i Sverigedemokraternas parti att granskas utifrån de partipolitiska program som finns tillgängliga sedan 1989. Sverigedemokraterna kom in i Sveriges riksdag år 2010 och gör nu stora politiska framsteg som tredje största partiet i svensk riksdag. De är hyllade av många och kanske precis lika fruktade för sin historiska bakgrund. Syftet är att undersöka om de värderingar som utgör skolans värdegrund uttrycks i SD:s partiprogram. Metoden som har använts är en innehållsanalys med intresse för partiets formulerade värdegrund och hur Sverigedemokraterna förhåller sig till värdegrunden. Resultatet som presenteras är att Sverigedemokraterna har en historisk bakgrund som de inte kommer ifrån. De har utvecklats från år 1989 och de har blivit mer rumsrena. Idag företräder Sverigedemokraterna ett konservativt samhälle som har kristna värderingar. / In this essay the core values of the Sweden Democrats Party will be reviewed on the basis of political party programs available since 1989. The Sweden Democrats entered the Swedish parliament in 2010 and are now making major political progress as the third largest party in the Swedish parliament. They are acclaimed by many and perhaps equally feared for their historical background. The purpose is to investigate if the values that make up the school´s values are expressed in SD´s party program. The method used is content analysis with the interest of the party’s formulated values and how the Sweden Democrats relate to the core values. The results that will be presented are that Sweden Democrats have a historical background that they never can escape from. They have made progress from the year 1989 and have become more accepted. Today Sweden Democrats represent a conservative society with Christian values.

Internationally recognized for and culturally self-identifying as a gender equality advocate, Sweden has seen a recent uptick in popular support among women voters for its far-right nationalist political party, the Sweden Democrats (SD). While nationalist movements are primarily distinguished by their nativist political rhetoric, academic study has consistently shown that nationalism also consistently promotes a traditional gender duality while denouncing feminism and gender equality practices. Likewise, SD also consistently opposes feminist and gender equality practices in stark contrast with mainstream Swedish political parties. This qualitative discourse analysis collected, categorized, and analyzed recent Facebook posts circulated by the Sweden Democrat Women's Association (Sverigedemokraterna kvinnoförbund) leadership to identify why women (ostensibly) served by Swedish state feminism vote for and even join SD in a leadership capacity. By utilizing constructivist theoretical frameworks of social and cultural identity with a post-structural analytical methodology focusing on problem conception, representation and dissemination, the resulting analysis shows that the dominating discursive theme is practically summarized as: "(in)security." In short, SD women perceive Sweden's (equality) feminism as unrelatable, irrelevant and/or intrusive in an "everyday" existence framed by a rapidly changing Swedish society due to record immigration, increased economic insecurity, and a weakening welfare state. In closing, three prime research areas are identified for future study: image-based content analysis of SD's political messaging, increased incorporation of security frameworks in investigative writing, as well as broadened research into how Swedish equality feminism can best include two consistently detached societal clusters: native-Swedish conservative and non-Western immigrant women.

The Sweden democrats has for a long time been labelled as a racist party in swedish media. Due to the problems related to the members of the party in the 90s, where members were subject to criminal actions and racist scandals, the media had focus on the racist actions and labelled the party as a racist party therefore. How does the discourse present itself today? The purpose is to make a comparative study between the year 2014 and 2018/2019 and to research if the discourse surrounding the sweden democrats has changed during this time. Relevance for the study is how we discover, categorize and give the discourses names that helps us and also the reader to understand the process about how the media picture Sweden democrats. Our method is a comparative critical discourse analysis that we are going to use on articles published in the two largest newspapers in sweden, Aftonbladet and Expressen. We will locate the surrounding discourses from 2014 at first and then locate what kind of discourses is surrounding the party in 2018/2019. The main discourse from 2014 is the racist discourse, it´s present in nearly every article we analyse. With the racist discourse, the big difference is that the discourse is changing. When we look upon 2018/2019, new discourses take place, the new discourses we locate it’s the right populism-, scandal- and normalization discourse, the rasism discourse is still present but not so extensive as during 2014. During 2014 the racism discourse depends on the scandal discourse, this changes significant, the scandal discourse is no longer in 2018/2019 dependent on the racism discourse, but it acutally transforms into its own discourse. The focus on racism is almost gone and new scandals take place instead. In combination with the normalization discourse we can se that there has been a change, actually a big change in the media discourse surrounding the Sweden democrats.

This study critically studies two different manifestos, New democracy manifesto from 1991 and Sweden Democrats manifesto from 2010. The purpose with this is to discover in what way populist rhetoric is used and what parlance the parties have used in these two manifestos. Using Lennart Hellspong’s model for propaganda analysis, textual compilations will be discovered and analyzed through a set of questions. Previous research show that these two parties has a lot in common and even though both have different political ideology and framework, they both have populist rhetoric as one of the key elements in their rhetoric. With Sweden democrats currently being the third biggest party in Sweden there is an interest to see what they have in common with the first populist party in Sweden during the modern era, New Democracy. Do the populist characteristics in Sweden Democrats manifesto have similar attributes as the in New Democracy manifesto? The result of the study shows that the populist rhetoric is used in different ways, with different ideological purposes but is built from the same springboard.

The aim of this paper is to investigate the internal and external supply in relation to citizens’ demand for radical populist parties. To explore how the Sweden Democrats between 2010 and 2018 has developed its party organisation and how this has changed over time. The essay is based on the theory of Cas Mudde which claims demand and supply as a reason and understanding for the increasing growth of radical right parties in Western democracies. The theory divides Sweden Democrats into three different aspects; demand, internal and external supply which explain the stability and increased support for the party. Socio-economic factors such as unemployment, education and level of immigration are significant explanation factors for radical right parties to establish on long term. However, the essay concludes that the internal aspects of the party organisation, in relation to lack of trust for the traditional parties and low party identification, are crucial explanations. The importance of these factors have gradually increased during the years 2010-2018, while the level of significance for socioeconomic factors have decreased.