Thesis (M.A.) -- Northern Arizona University, 2004. / "December 2004." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 113-124) and abstract.

L’Africa vetus, entre la destruction de Carthage et les interventions césaro-augustéennes, est traditionnellement perçue par l’historiographie comme une région dépourvue d’histoire, caractérisée par un paysage chaotique et dévasté. Pourtant, la reprise attentive de la documentation, principalement archéologique, permet de dresser un tout autre constat. Ainsi il apparaît que les conséquences du dernier conflit punico-romain n’ont pas entrainé l’annihilation de toute activité en Afrique nord-orientale. Les évolutions amorcées antérieurement à la chute de Carthage se prolongent, plus ou moins affectées par les bouleversements géopolitiques du milieu du IIe s. av. n. è. Dès lors, nous nous retrouvons face à une région en construction ou en reconstruction, qui connaît des changements, des bouleversements, parfois des reculs, mais reste toujours dynamique. Cette vie s’observe dans les différents domaines, au travers de l’étude de la population, de son identité et de son appréhension, de l’occupation et de la gestion du territoire, de la répartition des activités économiques et commerciales ainsi que de l’évolution des paysages cultuel et funéraire. À cette vision globale s’ajoute une approche régionale de ce territoire qui révèle, à l’intérieur d’un même ensemble, des constructions divergentes pour les quatre principales régions : la Zeugitane, le Byzacium, la région tellienne et la Petite Syrte. L’histoire de chacune est déterminée par son passé préromain, son action et son attitude durant la première moitié du IIe s. av. n. è. et au cours de la troisième guerre punique. / Traditionally, the historiography has seen the Africa Vetus, from the destruction of Carthage to the cesaro-augustans' interventions as a province without history, characterised by a chaotic and deserted image. However, the careful analysis of the documentation, chiefly archaeological, has permitted a completely different assessment. It so appears that the consequences of the last Punic war did not bring about the annihilation of all activity in the east of North Africa. The developments begun prior to the fall of Carthage carry on, more or less affected by the geopolitical disruptions of the middle of the second century. From that time, we observe a dynamic region, building or rebuilding, which goes through changes and upheavals, sometimes even setbacks, but always stays active.This life can be observed in different field, through the study of the population, its identity and apprehension, the occupation and administration of the territory, the distribution of the economical and commercial activities as well as the evolution of the religious and funerary landscape. A regional approach comes with this global vision, which reveals in the same area, different constructions for the four main regions : the Zeugitana, the Byzacena, the Tell and the Little Syrte. The development of each of them is determined by its pre-roman history, their action and their attitude during the first half of the second century and the third Punic war.

This study examines the growing phenomenon to protect the bovine in the United States and will question to what extent religion plays a role in the formation of bovine sanctuaries. My research has unearthed that there are approximately 454 animal sanctuaries in the United States, of which 146 are dedicated to farm animals. However, of this 166 only 4 are dedicated to pigs, while 17 are specifically dedicated to the bovine. Furthermore, another 50, though not specifically dedicated to cows, do use the cow as the main symbol for their logo. Therefore the bovine is seemingly more represented and protected than any other farm animal in sanctuaries across the United States. The question is why the bovine, and how much has religion played a role in elevating this particular animal above all others. Furthermore, what constitutes a sanctuary? Does not the notion of a sanctuary denote a religious affiliation to salvation and sanctity, and as such are bovines so sacred that they need sanctuaries? Or is it simply that they are so exploited by the livestock industry that they, above all other animals, need salvation? In such a way, this study asks the question, who is the benefactor: the bovine or the human? I highlight that depending upon the motivation the roles can be reversed, so that at a Hindu based cow sanctuary the cow is the benefactor, venerated in gratitude for the numerous gifts it bestows upon us. However, at the Vegan inspired cow sanctuaries it is the human who takes on the role of the “bovine benefactor,” for they are specifically looking to protect and offer bovines sanctuary so that they can lead an autonomous life free from exploitation. I have therefore coined the term “bovine benefactories” to refer not only to the sanctuaries where are they are venerated and protected, but also as an apt juxtaposition to the ‘fear factories’ where the bovines are made to suffer – fear factories being a more figurative name for what the industry labels as CAFOs (concentrated animal feeding operations). At the heart of this study is therefore an emphasis upon the stark juxtapositions and contradictions that Americans have with the bovine. What is deemed holy by one bovine sanctuary is deemed profane by another. At the same time, all bovine sanctuaries stand united in complete contrast to the present-day treatment of bovines within the livestock industry. Furthermore, there is an intriguing juxtaposition between America’s reliance and infatuation with beef and dairy products and their treatment of the bovine. For what is deemed more holy to Americans than the hamburger? As such, I also question whether such a dependence and passion for bovine products is a form of religious expression in itself? This study therefore analyzes to what extent food is deemed sacred to a diverse American public. For example, is the bovine sacred to a secular America because it is their ultimate benefactor? As such, this study looks to deconstruct and question what constitutes bovine veneration, highlighting that the bovine is not only venerated for its virility, aggression, and abundance, but that it has also taken on new significance as a symbol for exploitation, consumerism, and speciesism. In such a way, I highlight that there are many different religious motivations for protecting and offering bovines sanctuary. While some seek to venerate and use the bovine as a symbol, others seek to award the bovine its own autonomy – whereby it is not merely a symbol, but also an animal, with its own identity, will, and purpose beyond that of the human. This work therefore stands squarely on the shoulders of many postmodern and critical theorists that have come before me, from Judith Butler and Rebecca Alpert to Clifford Geertz and David Chidester. Their work has demonstrated that all constructs are limited by presuppositions of what is considered to be the normative – and as such, what is religion and what is deemed sacred is relative to both the individual and the community that one seeks to identify with. In such a way, I shall conclude that the largescale rearing of bovine, the mass producing and consuming of beef and dairy products, and indeed the offering of sanctuary to the bovine can all be analyzed and interpreted as unique, and at the same time intertwined, forms of religious expression and practice. / Religion

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / A combination of overexploitation and destructive fishing practices, such as bottom trawling, have depleted native populations of groundfishes in coastal New England and reduced benthic community diversity. The Stellwagen Bank National Marine Sanctuary (SBNMS) in the southern Gulf of Maine is partially overlapped by the Western Gulf of Maine Closed Area (WGMCA). The WGMCA is closed to commercial fishing for groundfishes managed under the Northeast Multispecies complex and the use of bottom trawling fishing gear is prohibited to protect essential fish habitat. This has reduced fishing pressure and benthic disturbance levels. The area of the SBNMS outside of the WGMCA is still disturbed by intensive commercial fishing for much of the year. Key questions for this area are (1) How does the higher level of disturbance in areas outside of the WGMCA affect SBNMS groundfish communities?, (2) Is the WGMCA effective at increasing the diversity, abundance, and biomass of groundfishes in the SBNMS?, and (3) How does the decrease in disturbance impact groundfish trophic ecology? A comparison of the groundfish communities inside and outside of the WGMCA within the SBNMS was carried out via trawl sampling. Results show that groundfish communities are more diverse inside the WGMCA than outside. Additionally, several commercial groundfish species had higher abundance and/or biomass inside the WGMCA. Stable isotope analyses showed that prey items differed for some species inside and outside of the WGMCA, but trophic levels were unaffected. Finally, stable isotope analyses of five groundfish species provide evidence that groundfishes may display a high level of foraging area fidelity. Primary conclusions include: (1) the protection of groundfish habitats from trawling disturbances paired with reduced fishing pressure will result in increases in community diversity and abundances of groundfishes, (2) groundfish ecology should be considered on a small geographic scale due to apparent site fidelity, and (3) if the entire SBNMS were closed to bottom trawling and commercial fishing, it could help to rebuild overexploited groundfish populations in the southern Gulf of Maine and serve as a source population for the remainder of the Gulf of Maine and adjacent shelf environs. / 2031-01-01

Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2009. / Vita. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-225).

acase@tulane.edu

The principal sanctuaries of Attica outside the asty were situated in strategically important positions at the territorial limits of Athens. It will be argued that the sanctuaries placed on the frontiers of Attica were important nodes in the social construction, expression and implementation of Athenian territoriality. Sanctuaries which accommodated polis-level cults outside the urban centre provided the Athenians with a highly visible means of demarcating and communicating the extent of their territorial sovereignty. These religious sites developed in a visually conspicuous manner at a time when the territorial and social boundaries between the Athenians and neighbouring communities were crystallising. From an early stage in the development of the sanctuary sites of Attica, they played an instrumental role in defining the extent of Athenian territory, a space imbued with meaning in terms of claims of sovereignty and membership within the Athenian community. During the Archaic period, the border sanctuaries of Attica and the cults which they accommodated were elaborated, augmenting Athenian claims to contested borderlands and enhancing the prestige of the polis. The relative ranking and status of Athens in her interpolis relations was thereby enhanced, allowing the Athenians to reduce the threat of invasion of the chora. Following the Persian Wars, the sanctuaries continued to disseminate messages of the power and status of Athens, now hegemon of the Delian League. The structures and rites of the border sanctuaries reified the hegemonic power of Athens. When, during the long and bitter conflict of the Peloponnesian War, it became necessary to control the points of access into Athenian territory along the coastline, Rhamnous and Sounion were fortified. In the Late Classical period, the military role of a number of these sanctuaries was institutionalised. Fortification walls were augmented and refurbished and ephebic involvement in rites and festivals attested the close connection between religious and military activity.

The principal sanctuaries of Attica outside the asty were situated in strategically important positions at the territorial limits of Athens. It will be argued that the sanctuaries placed on the frontiers of Attica were important nodes in the social construction, expression and implementation of Athenian territoriality. Sanctuaries which accommodated polis-level cults outside the urban centre provided the Athenians with a highly visible means of demarcating and communicating the extent of their territorial sovereignty. These religious sites developed in a visually conspicuous manner at a time when the territorial and social boundaries between the Athenians and neighbouring communities were crystallising. From an early stage in the development of the sanctuary sites of Attica, they played an instrumental role in defining the extent of Athenian territory, a space imbued with meaning in terms of claims of sovereignty and membership within the Athenian community. During the Archaic period, the border sanctuaries of Attica and the cults which they accommodated were elaborated, augmenting Athenian claims to contested borderlands and enhancing the prestige of the polis. The relative ranking and status of Athens in her interpolis relations was thereby enhanced, allowing the Athenians to reduce the threat of invasion of the chora. Following the Persian Wars, the sanctuaries continued to disseminate messages of the power and status of Athens, now hegemon of the Delian League. The structures and rites of the border sanctuaries reified the hegemonic power of Athens. When, during the long and bitter conflict of the Peloponnesian War, it became necessary to control the points of access into Athenian territory along the coastline, Rhamnous and Sounion were fortified. In the Late Classical period, the military role of a number of these sanctuaries was institutionalised. Fortification walls were augmented and refurbished and ephebic involvement in rites and festivals attested the close connection between religious and military activity.

Os Santuários de Asclépio: expressões arquitetônicas, sociais e religiosas nos séculos V, IV e III a.C. Esta pesquisa de mestrado tem como objetivo uma melhor compreensão do culto dedicado a Asclépio no contexto da pólis grega dos séculos V, IV e III a.C. Pretendemos captar as transformações decorridas no culto neste período de grandes mudanças no mundo grego. Para tanto, analisaremos os santuários de Asclépio em Epidauro, Atenas, Corinto, Pérgamo, Messene, Cós, Agrigento, Paros, Delos e Velia no que diz respeito à arquitetura, ao seu posicionamento no espaço e em relação à planimetria da respectiva pólis. As fontes textuais, sobretudo Pausânias, serão um apoio importante no decorrer do trabalho. / Asclepius\' Sanctuaries: architectural, social and religious expressions during the 5th, 4th and 3rd centuries B.C. This master research aims at a better understanding of Asclepius\' Cult within the Greek polis context of the fifth, fourth and third centuries B.C. We intend to apprehend the transformations occurred in this period of great changes within the Greek World. In order to so do, we will analyze ten Sanctuaries dedicated to Asclepius, from Epidaurus, Athens, Corinth, Pergamum, Messene, Kos, Agrigento, Paros, Delos and Velia. We will study their architecture, their geographical location (spatial ositioning) and their planimetry correlating to their poleis. The ancient textual sources, above all Pausanias, will be an important aid through this work.