Du Roland furieux de l’Arioste (1516-1532) au Songe de Kepler (1634), cette thèse propose une étude des récits de voyages aériens dans la fiction narrative de la Renaissance (romans, poèmes épiques, satires) ainsi que des discours théoriques abordant la question du vol et de l’élévation (démonologie, cosmographie, astronomie, discours sur la possibilité du vol humain ou le vol des oiseaux, etc.). Trois principaux objets sont mis en valeur : les voyages célestes écrits dans la lignée de récits comme le Songe de Scipion de Cicéron ou l’Icaroménippe de Lucien de Samosate ; les voyages aériens de la fiction chevaleresque ; le motif du transport diabolique. L’étude montre ainsi l’importance prise par l’imaginaire du vol à la Renaissance, à la croisée de la fiction et des discours savants, et dessine une « pré-histoire » des fictions d’envol avant les récits de Godwin (The Man in the Moone, 1638) et de Cyrano de Bergerac (Etats et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil, 1657 et 1662). Au cœur de cette rêverie se loge tout à la fois le désir de prendre la mesure du monde et les inquiétudes suscitées par ce même désir. / From Ariosto’s Orlando furioso (1516-1532) to Kepler’s Somnium (1634), this thesis offers a study of aerial and celestial voyages in Renaissance narrative fiction (romances, epic poems, satires) as well as of learned treatises related to the question of flying (demonology, cosmography, astronomy, learned discourses on human and bird flight, etc.). It focuses on three main subjects: cosmic voyages in the tradition of Cicero’s Dream of Scipio or Lucian of Samosata’s Icaromenippus; aerial voyages in chivalric romance; diabolical transvection (eg. fly to the sabbath). It thus shows the extent to which flight captured the Renaissance imagination, at the cross-roads between fiction and learned discourse, and it traces a « pre-history » of fictional flying before Godwin’s Man in the Moone (1638) or Cyrano de Bergerac’s Etats et Empires de la Lune et du Soleil (1657 and 1662). At the heart of this fantasy lies a desire to measure the world from above – together with the anxieties produced by the same desire.

L’oeuvre de William Klein est reconnue pour ses stratégies formelles innovatrices et avant-gardistes qui attireront l'attention des artistes et des professionnels de sa génération non sans provoquer au passage quelques scandales ni sans subir les contrecoups de la censure. La trentaine de courts, moyens et longs métrages réalisés par Klein, forme un corpus hétérogène qui affiche à première vue des incohérences sociologiques, politiques, économiques et culturelles potentiellement discutables. Dans ces conditions, la position critique de Klein paraît ambiguë, inconséquente voire, contradictoire, parce que les films diffèrent également par leur thème, leur cible, leur mode de production et leur genre. Nous croyons cependant que l’engagement politique de Klein est le fil d'Ariane qui unit son oeuvre cinématographique et dissipe toute idée de rupture que ses contemporains pourraient lui reprocher. Au cours de cette période cruciale qui s'étend de 1965 et 1970, alors que le libéralisme en tant qu’idéologie officielle du système capitaliste cherche à vaincre le communisme pour s'imposer à l'échelle mondiale, Klein pose son regard sur les célébrités en tant que figures médiatiques et identitaires comme autant de moyens des pouvoirs politiques, économiques et religieux. À l'ère de la guerre froide, de la guerre du Vietnam et des combats pour la décolonisation, il prend le parti des mouvements de droits civils et de libération et se range du côté des révolutionnaires qui les défendent. Il brosse notamment le portrait de personnalités associées à la contre-culture américaine; il remet en question les modèles qui s'étaient jusque- là imposés dans la culture de masse et les idéologies dont ils étaient investis et va jusqu'à critiquer le concept même de célébrité. En procédant notamment à une démystification des moyens de la représentation de l'American Dream et de l’American way of life, William Klein s'en prend aux faux-semblants issus de ces industries (du divertissement) et de ce champ (politique) qui mettent en place des systèmes de production et d’exploitation de la célébrité en tant que symbole, destinée à orienter les goûts esthétique, les comportements commerciaux et/ou les opinions politiques des individus. Il dénonce ainsi les injustices raciales, les inégalités sociales, les abus de pouvoir et8les débordements des gouvernements attribuables à l’impérialisme occidental qui est à l'époque sous l'influence des États-Unis. Le corpus qui nous permettra de développer notre argumentation comprend quatre films, soit deux films de fiction et deux films documentaires. Qui êtes-vous, Polly Maggoo? (1966) et Mister Freedom (1968) sont les deux films de fiction que nous avons qualifiés de « parodies satiriques ». En ces termes, le film Polly Maggoo parodie les contes de fées pour faire la satire de l’industrie de la mode, tandis que le film Mister Freedom parodie les super-héros de bande dessinée et autres justiciers des films hollywoodiens, pour faire la satire de la politique étrangère américaine. Les documentaires politiquement engagés sont à notre avis expressionnistes, comme le propose le critique américain Jonathan Rosenbaum. Muhammad Ali, The Greatest (1964-1974) ; Eldridge Cleaver Black Panther (1970) mettent en scène ceux que William Klein appelle les « Super Noirs américains » et par des moyens réflexifs, ils démontrent de l’inter-subjectivité entre le cinéaste et ses sujets. / The films of William Klein are still little known. His filmography includes thirty titles which appear at first sight heterogeneous, while their sociological, political, economic, and cultural discrepancies seem questionable. As such, and because the themes of his films themes,targets, production modes and genres are constantly moving, Klein’s critical position seem ambiguous, inconsistent if not contradictory. Yet, we believe that the political commitment of William Klein is at the core of all of his films and dissipates all discrepancies.Between 1965 and 1970, while liberalism as the official ideology of the capitalist system is fighting against communism to expand its power around the world, Klein is looking at celebrities as vectors of the political, the economical and the religious powers. While the Cold War, the Vietnam War and the anti-colonial armed struggles are shaking the world, he associates with the counter-culture and youth culture and questions the role models advertised in the mass media, and the ideologies they represent. Portraying the modes of representation that shapes the American Dream and the American Way of Life, William Klein criticises the makes-believes found in the entertainment industry and the political field that aim at shaping our identities, our commercial behaviours and our political opinions. He condemns racism, social inequalities and abuses of power associated with Western imperialism. We propose to analyse two fiction films and two documentaries in the course of our argumentation. Qui êtes-vous, Polly Maggoo? (1966) and Mister Freedom (1968) are what we have called after Daniel Sangsue, satirical parodies. Accordingly, Polly Maggoo parodies fairy tales to satirize the fashion industry, while Mister Freedom parodies the superheros of the comic books to satirize American foreign policies.Based on Jonathan Rosenbaum thesis, we consider Muhammad Ali, The Greatest (1964-1974) and Eldridge Cleaver Black Panther (1970) as expressionist documentaries. The reflexive strategies found in these films is symptomatic of an inter-subjectivity between the filmmakerand his subjects

The purpose of this study was to test the applicability of the theories of selective perception and selective exposure among ethnic minority viewers of the satirical, ethnic humor of the television program, "All in the Family." This study statistically related the Dogmatism Scale responses to selected program opinions among Jewish and non-Jewish high school students. The results of this survey were inconclusive. None of the hypotheses presented were supported by the evidence of the study; however, unexpected data were found that suggests previously unexplored interpretations of the program.

Hagop Baronian (1843-1891) was an outstanding Armenian literary figure, whose satire reflected the political and social realities of Western Armenian life in the 1870s and the 1880s. This thesis is the first systematic attempt to study his social and political views. No such studies exist in the West, and the attempts of Armenian writers are on the whole hasty, incomplete, and restricted in scope. For this thesis, extensive research has been made into the political and social realities of Armenian life in the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century in order to analyse and evaluate Barcnian's political and social ideas in their proper context. Chapter I sketches Baronian's biography. Chapters II, III, IV and V form the first part of this thesis and deal, in chronological order, with Baronian's political views which, hitherto, have been given little attention. Chapter II is devoted to the study of Baronian's view of the Armenian Constitution which he initially supported for having introduced a large degree of secularisation and democracy to the government of the community. However, Baronian soon came to realise that the Constitution was an inadequate tool. This led him to join forces with some Armenian leaders to propose substantial amendments for the document, which was however never in fact revised. The Polozhenie (Statute) which regulated the affairs of the Armenian Church in Russia is also discussed in Chapter II. Baronian was bitterly critical of the document as restricting the rights of the Armenian community and of the Armenian Church, and bringing the latter under strict control of the Russian government. Chapter III analyses Baronian's criticism of Ottoman internal policy which he held responsible for misgovernment in Armenia. It emerges from Baronian's criticism that oppression in the Armenian provinces was due to two cardinal reasons: the legal status of the Armenians as second-class citizens, and the failure of the Ottoman authorities to preserve law and order. Baronian held that the only way of rectifying the situation was by way of peaceful reform. However, he contended that the Ottoman government was at once unwilling to introduce reform in Armenia and incapable of it. Baronian also maintained that the empire lacked the expertise and financial resources to initiate an extensive programme of reorganisation. All this led Baronian to believe that only external pressure would compel the Porte to review its internal policy (Chapter IV). Baronian expected such pressure from Europe, which, as he saw it, should also provide the Empire with the technical expertise and subsidies to modernise itself. The outbreak of hostilities in the Balkans and the subsequent reform plans for the area were regarded by Baronian as a precious opportunity to force an overall programme of reform on the Porte. However, in Baronian's view, the conflicting interests of the Powers and their self-centred ambitions prevented them from exerting effective pressure on the intransigent Ottoman administration. Baronian dissected the activities of the Armenian leadership in his Armenian Big-Wigs, which is analysed in Chapter V. Baronian criticised most of the Armenian leaders for their lack of what he considered as the basic qualities of public leaders, namely competence, dedication, audacity and integrity. Baronian also censured the Armenian priesthood. While some prelates harrassed their flock by an excess of incompetent activities, many other priests declined to assume any office in the provinces and, residing idly in Constantinople, pursued ecclesiastical preferment or other vain ambitions. Some of the leaders of the so-called anti-Hasunist movement within the Catholic Armenian Community were also depicted by Baronian. Since they claimed a voice for lay elements in governing the Catholic community, Baronian sympathised with their cause but found that the movement was doomed to failure, most of these leaders being motivated by personal ambitions or impractical ideas. Part II (Chapters VI, VII and VIII) of this thesis is devoted to the study of Baronian's social views. In Chapter VI Baronian's comic characters are analysed and the social problems he raised in his comedies and his satirical novel are discussed. In his novel (The Most Honourable Beggars) Baronian dismissed many of the Armenian intelligentsia as parasites and poured contempt on the wealthy for their apathy towards culture. In his comedies Baronian illustrated the old adage concerning the limits to men's capabilities (A Servant of Two Masters) and castigated the vice of sycophancy (The Flatterer). He demonstrated that marriage uniting couples of incompatible ages resulted in immorality and the destruction of the family (The Oriental Dentist). Baronian held that the incompetence of the Armenian Judicial Council, which handled questions of marriage, was a contributory factor to the decrease in the number of marriages among Armenians. He also criticised the rigid approach of the Judicial Council (and therefore the Armenian Church) to divorce, which, Baronian contended, should be granted on valid grounds (Uncle Balthazar). Baronian, who almost exclusively reflected the social realities of the Armenian community of Constantinople, found that this society was in rapid decline (Chapter VII). He was concerned with the institution of marriage because the family, together with morality, religion and education constituted the main pillars of a prosperous society. Despite advocating equality in marriage, Baronian manifested strong patriarchal tendencies, and held that a woman's primary role, designed by nature, was motherhood. In Baronian's view money profoundly affected human relations and the moral cast of men who abandoned human virtues in pursuit of material gain and vain ambition. Baronian noted that men's religious zeal was also in decline due to their materialistic approach. However, the Armenian priesthood was equally to blame. The failure of many priests in their pastoral duties and their often impious conduct greatly affected the religious feelings of the congregation. Finally, Baronian maintained that the Armenians were still backward in the field of education. The national authorities failed to allocate sufficient funds and the community was reluctant to support the educational network financially. For Baronian theatre and literature played a vital role in transforming a society in that they combined the aesthetically beautiful with the socially useful (Chapter VII). Advocating socially conscious literature he emphasised the need for a local and up to date repertoire, and criticised the romantic authors of the time, whose works failed to satisfy his aesthetic and social principles. The conclusion to the thesis sums up Baronian's social and political ideas. Baronian believed that the well-adjusted individual was the basis for social progress, also envisaging a principal role for the family, religion and education. He recognised man as the source of legislative and political power and advocated parliamentary democracy. He illustrated the consequences of the inequal Ottoman political system with the plight of the Armenians and maintained that substantial and peaceful reform was the only way of redressing the situation.

This thesis proposes a critical study of the theoretical framework of Urinetown, asking the question of whether or not the show is truly a “Brechtian musical,” utilizing the tenets and beliefs of Bertolt Brecht. Set in a quirky, Gotham-like town where you have “to pay to pee” due to a severe drought, Urinetown follows a cast of absurdist characters as they navigate a society plagued by the perils of big business, ecological devastation, and the inequalities of capitalism. While the show appears to make a relevant social commentary, supporting a righteous rebellion to overthrow the evil Urine Good Company, in the end, by proving that revolution does not always succeed, writers, Kotis and Hollman invalidate these commentaries, proving that despite its Brechtian appearance, the show in its textual form is much more simply a comedic parody. However, Pomona College’s production, in which I played Hope Cladwell, takes on a much more severe tone, creating legitimate commentary by replacing many of the comedic, two-dimensional characters with living breathing, realities. In a text traditionally lacking authenticity, I approached Hope Cladwell with the intention of finding strength and satire in an otherwise vapid character.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines cabaret in South Africa, and more particularly the use of a personation in cabaret. Cabaret employs a variety of comedic forms that combine to comment on social and political issues. The personation is often a manifestation of current social and political values, and the cabaretist uses such personation to deride these values and expose society. Themes such as human nature and life are foregrounded by means of comedy, parody and satire in order to highlighted weaknesses and malpractices. The personation often serves as a shield, affording the cabaretist the freedom of speech to assume a critical stance; it serves as a mouthpiece for enquiring societal mores and norms. The cabaretist not only entertains the audience in a comical way, but also strives to make audiences aware of social and political irregularities. Comedy, parody and satire are found in various forms of entertainment and literature, but in the cabaret genre it is purposefully applied to voice socio-political criticism. The success of cabaret is indebted to each caberetist’s unique style. South African performers such as Pieter-Dirk Uys, Casper de Vries and Hennie Aucamp apply these means successfully to entertain their audiences and encourage reflection. The cabaret persona, drawing upon comedic devices, is used to present reality as opposed to the human ideal, while treating the audience to a lighter view of life. Apart from the fact that cabaret, like comedy, parody and satire, is difficult to define, these forms often overlap, as they serve the same purpose, namely to entertain and to comment. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek kabaret in Suid-Afrika en in die besonder die gebruik van ’n karakter in kabaret as sosiale en politiese kommentator. Kabaret gebruik ’n verskeidenheid komiese vorme wat saamspan om sosiale en politieke kommentaar te lewer. Die karakter verteenwoordig dikwels ’n gemeenskap se sosiale en politieke waardes en die kabarettis gebruik so ’n karakter om hierdie waardes te bespot en kommentaar op die gemeenskap te lewer. Temas soos die menslike natuur en die lewe word met behulp van die komiese, parodie en satire in die kalklig geplaas om swakhede en wanpraktyke te beklemtoon. Die karakter dien ook dikwels as ’n skild waaragter ’n kabarettis skuil en waarmee hy sodoende vryheid van spraak verkry met die doel om te kritiseer; dit dien as spreekbuis vir sosiale waardes en norme. Die kabarettis vermaak nie net ’n gehoor op komiese wyse nie, maar probeer ook om die gehoor van sosiale en politieke wantoestande bewus te maak. Die komiese, parodie en satire kom in verskeie vorme van vermaak en die literatuur voor, maar in kabaret word dit doelgerig as middel gebruik om sosio-politiese kommentaar te lewer. Die sukses van kabaret word gemeet aan elke kabarettis se unieke styl. Suid-Afrikaanse kunstenaars soos Pieter-Dirk Uys, Casper de Vries en Hennie Aucamp slaag daarin om hierdie middele aan te wend en sodoende hul gehore te vermaak en tot nadenke te stem. Die kabaret-karakter word met behulp van komiese vorme aangewend om die werklikheid teenoor die menslike ideaal op te weeg en aan gehore ’n ligter sy van die lewe te wys. Buiten dat kabaret en ook die komiese, parodie en satire moeilik gedefinieer kan word, oorvleuel hierdie vorme dikwels en word dit vir dieselfde doel gebruik, naamlik om te vermaak en kommentaar te lewer.

本論文試圖設計一套讀者如何理解（強納生•史威夫特的）《一個謙遜提議》為諷刺文的認知過程。此認知過程包含兩個步驟：（A）推論出作者是諷刺的，（B）推論出作者意圖諷刺某真人。本論文分三部分來處理（A）與（B）。 第一部分（第2至5章）處理（A），而（A）又可細分為：（a）判斷《謙遜提議》似乎為錯，（b）推論出作者意圖它為錯，（c）推論出作者意圖讀者發現它為錯。然而，（a）阻礙了（b）與接下來的（c），因為《謙遜提議》在讀者眼中是似乎為錯，而非應該為錯。因此，讀者有困難去最終詮釋《謙遜提議》為一諷刺文。然而，當讀者閱畢《謙遜提議》後若能感到極度被娛樂（feels extremely amused），他將比較容易有（b）與（c）的反應，因為他會推論出作者在開玩笑。 第二部分（第6至7章）試圖設計一個娛樂（amusement）的認知理論與一個幽默（humor）的認知理論。我定義「娛樂」為一種情緒，成因是一個人在認知上評價「幽默」為愉悅的。而我定義「幽默」基本上是對失諧（incongruity）的反應。幽默可以是：（1）知覺到失諧；（2）知覺到失諧，並解困之；或（3）知覺到失諧，並求甚解地解困之。 第三部分（第8章）則處理由（A）到（B）的認知過程。讀者於此階段理解到《謙遜提議》裡的虛構第一人稱是一個隱喻，隱喻對象為某個針對愛爾蘭問題提出殘暴荒謬解決辦法的真實權貴。 終其此論文，我試圖拆解作者的《謙遜提議》（為一諷刺文），並藉由讀者的各種可能詮釋（《謙遜提議》是一個好計畫、偽善謊言等等）來重組之。有時，作者已死，而其身分不可辨認。於論文結論，我將運用此（對《謙遜提議》的）詮釋不穩定性，來解釋針對2004年台灣319（槍擊）案反應的意見分歧。 / This thesis aims to design a cognitive process of how the reader comprehends Jonathan Swift’s “A Modest Proposal” as a satire. This cognitive process includes two steps: (A) to infer that the author is satirical, (B) to infer that the author intends to satirize some real person. This thesis is cut into three parts to tackle (A) and (B). The first part (Chapters 2-5) is on (A), and (A) is subdivided into: (a) to judge that AMP1 seems to be false, (b) to infer that the author intends it to be false, (c) to infer that the author intends the reader to find it false. However, (a) impedes (b) and the sequential (c), because AMP is seemingly false, not normatively false, in the eyes of the reader. The reader thus has the difficulty to eventually interpret AMP as a satire. However, when the reader feels extremely amused after reading AMP, he will more easily fulfill (b) and (c), because he will infer that the author is joking. The second part (Chapters 6-7) aims to design a cognitive theory of amusement and that of humor. I define amusement as an emotion, caused by the cognitive appraisal of the humor as pleasant. And I define humor as basically a reaction to incongruity. Humor can be: (1) the perception of incongruity, (2) the perception of incongruity and its resolution, or (3) the perception of incongruity and its resolution with comprehension. The third part (Chapter 8) is on the cognitive process from (A) to (B). The reader in this stage comprehends that the fictional speaker in AMP is a metaphor of some bigwig in reality who proposes an outrageous solution to the Irish problems. Throughout this thesis, I try to demolish the author’s AMP (that it is a satire) and restructure it with the reader’s interpretations (that AMP is a good plan, a hypocritical lie, etc.). Sometimes, the author is dead and his identity is unrecognizable. At the end, I will apply this interpretative instability (to AMP) to the dissension over the Taiwan 319 (gunshot) incident in 2004. ------------ 1 Herein Jonathan Swift’s “A Modest Proposal” will be referred to as AMP.

John Marston’s literary legacy has inevitably existed in the larger-than-life shadows of his great contemporaries William Shakespeare and Ben Jonson. In the last two centuries, his works were hardly taken on their own terms but were perceived instead in overt or implicit comparison to Shakespeare’s or Jonson’s. As a result, Marston’s plays acquired the lasting but unfair image of haphazard concoctions whose cheap sensationalism and personal satire often got them in trouble with the authorities. This was the case until recently, especially with Marston’s comic drama. Following revisionist trends, this study sets out to restore some perspective: it offers a fresh reading of Marston’s comic plays and collaborations—Antonio and Mellida, What You Will, Jack Drum’s Entertainment, The Dutch Courtesan, The Malcontent, Parasitaster, Eastward Ho, and Histrio-Mastix—by pursuing a more nuanced contextualization with regard to religious context and archival evidence. The first central contention here is that instead of undermining political and religious authority, Marston’s comic drama can demonstrate consistent conformist and conservative affinities, which imply a seriously considered agenda. This study’s second main point is that the perceived failures of Marston’s comic plays—such as tragic elements, basic characterization, and sudden final reversals—can be plausibly read as deliberate effects, designed with this agenda in mind. The significance of this analysis lies in its interpretation of Marston’s comedies from the angle of religious and political conformism, which argues for an alternative identity for this playwright. The discussion opens with a presentation of Marston’s early satirical books as texts informed by a moderate Church of England Protestantism, yet coinciding at times with some of Calvin’s writings, and by a distrust of the individualistic tendencies of the English Presbyterian movement as well as the perceived literal ritualism of the old Catholic faith. On this basis, it then proceeds to reveal an identical philosophy behind Marston’s comic plays and collaborations. Antonio and Mellida and What You Will are interpreted to dramatize the human soul’s dependence on God’s favourable grace; Jack Drum’s Entertainment and The Dutch Courtesan to insist on the acknowledgement of God in romantic desire; The Malcontent and Parasitaster to present the dangers of the political immorality; and Eastward Ho and Histrio-Mastix to argue for the necessity of edifying occupations for the wayward human will. In its conclusion, this study further highlights Marston’s bias for political and religious individual obedience to established hierarchies and his suspicion of the early modern forces of change. The conformist identity that emerges from the present discussion is consistently supported by the archival evidence surviving from the playwright’s life. Thus, Marston’s comic drama can be interpreted as the result of carefully considered and skilfully implemented political and religious ideas that have been neglected so far.

This study explored social judgment theory’s utility in a political comedy context. As a model of attitude change, social judgment theory describes attitude changes that occur in receivers of persuasive messages. Given that the type of humor used in the political comedy context requires the audience to interpret the message, audience processing of the humor is thought to resemble the processing of persuasive messages. This study explored the assumptions of social judgment theory in both a political comedy and a traditional news context. In order to explore how satiric messages impact the attitude change process, clips of The Daily Show with Jon Stewart or CBS News programs were shown to participants.Participants reported their attitudes and ego involvement regarding taxes and the job market prior to and after viewing the clips, which allowed attitude change to be identified. In addition, measures of audience activity, including ego involvement and political participation, were collected to explore the interplay of audience activity in attitude change. This project offered some support of social judgment theory’s utility in a political comedy context and reinforced the active audience assumption. / Department of Communication Studies

En metastudie som använder sig av en specifikt anpassad tolkning av grounded theory för att undersöka The Daily Shows satiriska kritik och funktion, samt hur detta relaterar till det sociologiska perspektivet. Fynden visar på en problematik som väl överrensstämmer med mer allmänna sociologiska teorier hos Foucault, Bourdieu och Habermas. Satiren visar sig utöva en serie meningsfulla funktioner som har potential att verka som en populistisk samhällskritik med stort inflytande. Satiren visar sig dock inte vara en problemfri diskurs och ett antal problem identifieras som behöver adresseras för att diskursen ska kunna åberopa någon form av legitimitet. / A meta-study which uses a specifically tailored interpretation of grounded theory to explore The Daily Shows satiric critique and function, as well as how it relates to the sociological perspective. The findings show a complex of problems that well corresponds to the more general sociological theories of Foucault, Bourdieu and Habermas. The satire is found to perform a series of meaningful functions with potential to act as a populist form of social criticism with a large influence. However, satire is also found to be a problematic discourse and a series of problems are identified that needs to be addressed for the discourse to invoke any form of legitimacy.