Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyses the causes and evolution of the conflict in the Republic of Moldova and capabilities of three conflict-regulating mechanisms to facilitate the final political solution of this conflict. The leading cause of the conflict is the competition among post-Soviet politicians, fighting over the division of the Soviet state and redistribution of politico-economic benefits. In their fight for power, the elites mobilized instrumental and primordial grievances of the population, thus giving an ethnic aspect to the confrontation. As an important intervening variable for the conflict escalation into a military confrontation is Russian interest in maintaining politico-economic and military domination over the region. Over time, all ethnic causes had been eliminated, thus creating the necessary conditions for the final political settlement of the conflict. However, the status quo, created around this conflict, suits the politico-economic interests of the Transdniestrian elites, and reinforced by the Russian interest in keeping the region under its influence, is encouraging them to promote a radical position toward the process of negotiations and to demand anything but independence, a fact that cannot be accepted by the legal Moldovan Government. In such circumstances, the final solution depends on the attitudes of the external players. However, the international players are dispersed over the methods of resolving this conflict, thus reinforcing the deadlock situation in the process of negotiation. This thesis argues that under the current circumstances, none of the conflict regulating mechanism, partition, confederation and federation will solve that particular conflict. However, the federalism has the most potential to serve as a tool for unification and conflict-resolution, but only if the international community and internal players will promote democratic values, rule of law and free marked orientation in the region, will reduce the benefits of the status quo situation and, finally, will offer substantial politico-economic and cultural autonomy combined with fair representation at the central level to the Transdniestrian region. / Lieutenant Colonel, Armed Forces of the Republic of Moldova

Nombreux sont ceux qui pensent que la dissolution de la Yougoslavie commence et finit au Kosovo. Il s’agit d’une suite logique de l’éclatement yougoslave une fédération fragile composée des différentes nationalités. Province autonome sous l’ère de Tito de 1974 - 1989, le Kosovo avait des prérogatives similaires à une république. Le régime de Milosevic supprima cette autonomie déclenchant ainsi des violences et des tensions. Face aux incessantes violations de leurs droits fondamentaux, les Albanais du Kosovo ont d’abord opté pour une résistance pacifique, toutes en boycottant les institutions serbes et yougoslaves. Ils ont réussi à crée une véritable société parallèle, une sorte d’Etat dans l’Etat. Les guerres yougoslaves ont initié la création des nouveaux Etats, il s’agit d’un processus de redéfinition des identités nationales de l’ex-Yougoslavie qui met en relation plusieurs conceptions de la nation et de la citoyenneté. Il y a de bonnes raisons de penser que la naissance d’un Etat du Kosovo peut amener la création d’une nouvelle Nation, cependant la création de cette nation suppose une conscience partagée et des circonstances politiques favorables. L’objectif de cette recherche était d’argumenter les causes de l’effondrement violent de l’ex-Yougoslavie et de tirer les enseignements d’une accession mouvementée et parfois tragique du Kosovo à l’indépendance et consistait aussi à analyser les difficultés, pour une société composite et fragmentée, d’accéder au XXIème siècle à la souveraineté nationale. Il ressort de cette thèse que la cause principale de l’effondrement violent de l’ancienne Yougoslavie était le programme national serbe qui cherchait à créer la Grande Serbie et que l’indépendance du Kosovo, au lendemain de la désintégration yougoslave, était la seule solution possible qui pouvait assurer la paix et la stabilité dans la région. / Many people believe that the dissolution of Yugoslavia begins and ends in Kosovo. This is a logical continuation of the Yugoslav breakup a fragile federation composed of various nationalities. Autonomous province under the Tito’s era of 1974 - 1989, Kosovo had similar powers to a republic. Milosevic 's regime abolished Kosovo’s autonomy triggering violence and tensions. Faced with constant violations of their human rights, Kosovo Albanians opted for a peaceful resistance, all by boycotting Serbian and Yugoslav institutions. They managed to create a real parallel society, a kind of State in the State. The Yugoslav wars initiated the creation of new States, it is a process of redefining of the national identities of the former Yugoslavia which connects several conceptions of nation and citizenship. There are good reasons to belive that the birth of Kosovo State can cause the creation of a new nation, however, the creation of this nation requires a shared awareness and favorable political circumstances. This thesis aims to argue the causes of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia and to learn of a turbulent and sometimes tragic accession of Kosovo to independence and also to analyze the challenge and difficulties for a composite and fragmented society, to access in the 21st century to national sovereignty. This research showed that the main cause of the violent collapse of the former Yugoslavia was the Serbian national program that sought to create a Greater Serbia and that Kosovo's independence after the disintegration of Yougoslavia was the only possible solution that could ensure peace and stability in the region.

<p>This thesis focuses on the territorial dimension of democracy by studying the division of Swedish municipalities. It consists of two parts focusing on two types of changes to the division of municipalities: amalgamation and secession.</p><p>The consequences of a series of amalgamation reforms are the starting point for the first part. The question is if the new structure of the municipalities following from amalgamation, e.g. increased size, changed centre-periphery relations and an increased number of urban areas within municipalities, has had any importance for local democracy. The structural factors are looked at in the light of three aspects of democracy: municipalities as community units, their democratic legitimacy and political participation. This study shows that amalgamations can have negative effects for democracy and the conclusion is that the optimal division, from a democratic point of view, is one of small municipalities with only one dominating urban area in each municipality.</p><p>As for secession, the study shows that few citizens want their part of the municipality to secede, except for those who live in parts that have had an application for secession rejected in recent years. The most important reason for supporting secession is that it would improve democracy. The main reason for opposing secession is that it would lead to decreased efficiency. The study also shows that certain conditions may change the attitude to secession, but these conditions cannot explain why a higher proportion than average is positive to secession in municipality parts that have applied for secession in recent years.</p>

This thesis focuses on the territorial dimension of democracy by studying the division of Swedish municipalities. It consists of two parts focusing on two types of changes to the division of municipalities: amalgamation and secession. The consequences of a series of amalgamation reforms are the starting point for the first part. The question is if the new structure of the municipalities following from amalgamation, e.g. increased size, changed centre-periphery relations and an increased number of urban areas within municipalities, has had any importance for local democracy. The structural factors are looked at in the light of three aspects of democracy: municipalities as community units, their democratic legitimacy and political participation. This study shows that amalgamations can have negative effects for democracy and the conclusion is that the optimal division, from a democratic point of view, is one of small municipalities with only one dominating urban area in each municipality. As for secession, the study shows that few citizens want their part of the municipality to secede, except for those who live in parts that have had an application for secession rejected in recent years. The most important reason for supporting secession is that it would improve democracy. The main reason for opposing secession is that it would lead to decreased efficiency. The study also shows that certain conditions may change the attitude to secession, but these conditions cannot explain why a higher proportion than average is positive to secession in municipality parts that have applied for secession in recent years.

Since the Civil War, historians have tried to understand why eleven southern states seceded from the Union to form a new nation, the Confederate States of America. What compelled the South to favor disunion over union? While enduring stereotypes perpetuated by the Myth of the Lost Cause cast most southerners of the antebellum era as ardent secessionists, not all southerners favored disunion. In addition, not all states were enthusiastic about the prospects of leaving one Union only to join another. Secession and disunion have helped shape the identity of the imagined South, but many Georgians opposed secession. This dissertation examines the life of U.S. Supreme Court Justice James Moore Wayne (1790-1867), a staunch Unionist from Savannah, Georgia. Wayne remained on the U.S. Supreme Court during the American Civil War, and this study explores why he remained loyal to the Union when his home state joined the Confederacy. Examining the nature of Wayne’s Unionism opens many avenues of inquiry into the nature of Georgia’s attitudes toward union and disunion in the antebellum era. By exploring the political, economic and social dimensions of Georgia Unionism and long opposition to secession, this work will add to the growing list of studies of southern Unionists.

En imposant une obligation constitutionnelle de négocier aux autres parties de la fédération, les juges de la Cour suprême dans le Renvoi sur la sécession rendent légitimes les aspirations des souverainistes québécois. Le processus menant à l'obligation constitutionnelle de négocier souffre toutefois d'imprécision et est à l'origine de la situation juridique contradictoire actuelle. La doctrine est divisée sur la signification des expressions «acteurs politiques», «question claire» et «majorité claire» et l'ambiguïté de ces expressions a permis aux partis politiques au pouvoir de justifier leur loi respective portant sur la sécession du Québec. Les deux lois en vigueur, la Loi sur les droits fondamentaux et la Loi sur la clarté, sont à des pôles opposés sur des sujets aussi importants que la formulation de la question et la majorité requise. Chacune des législatures a procédé unilatéralement sans se soucier de créer un cadre juridique cohérent. Les représentants élus devraient envisager la constitutionnalisation des règles menant à la sécession d'une province comme voie de solution pour régler l'impasse juridique actuelle. Le Canada ne serait pas le premier pays à prévoir de telles règles dans sa Constitution. / By imposing a constitutional obligation to negotiate to aIl parties of the federation, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Secession Reference legitimizes the aspirations of Quebec's sovereignist movement. However, the Supreme Court's ambiguity, in regards to the process leading up to the constitutional obligation to negotiate, is the cause of the current juridical debate. The doctrine is divided on the meaning of the expressions "political actors", "clear question" and "clear majority" and the lack of precision of these expressions allows the political parties in power to justify their respective laws on Quebec secession. The two laws in force, an Act respecting the exercise of the fundamental rights and prerogatives of the Quebec people and the Quebec State and the Clarity Act, are at polar opposites on issues as important as the formulation of the question and the required majority. Both legislatures have proceeded unilaterally without any concem in creating a coherent juridical framework. Elected representatives should consider the constitutionalisation of the mIes leading to secession as a solution to solve the current juridical deadlock. Canada would not be the first country to provide such provisions in its Constitution. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M.)"

Un autre essai sur la sempiternelle question de l'unite canadienne, deplorez-vous presentement. Pis encore, ajoutez-vous, on y aborde une fois de plus l'ennuyeuse et l'ennuyante problematique constitutionnelle. Et pourquoi l'auteur a-t-il choisi un tel sujet? Parce qu'il fait partie de la race des fatigants mais infatigables maniaques de cet incessant debat qu'est celui des Deux Solitudes? Possible. Surement meme. Mais il y a plus: le Renvoi relatif a la secession du Quebec ne represente pas qu'un simple episode de la saga constitutionnelle canadienne. Vraisemblablement, ces implications pratiques pourraient un jour sceller l'issue du debat. Certes, le mouvement separatiste quebecois, loin d'etre moribond, ne s'eteindra pas sur la seule base d'une decision de la Cour supreme du Canada. Pretendre le contraire releve de la fantaisie, de l'outrecuidance ou encore, d'un manque tangible de pragmatisme politique. Toutefois, un fait persiste: applique in extenso, l'Avis s'avere une serieuse embuche sur le chemin menant a l'independance. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis consists of four independent essays grouped in two parts. The first part analyzes the possibility and duration of a Pareto-improving pension reform. The second part considers some economic issues related to the tax avoidance activities. The possibility and duration of a Pareto-improving pension reform.Many countries face large problems in supporting current pay-as-you-go pension systems arising from demographic changes leading to the situation when returns on capital exceed population growth. Inefficiency arises from implicit taxation on pension contributions. In a closed economy, it is even more destructive due to its negative impact on savings and capital accumulation. Although the transition to a fully funded system is a great improvement of the economy, its implementation entails several difficulties if Pareto-efficiency is required. The first essay, “The Possibility of a Pareto Improving Pension Reform in a Heterogeneous Economy”, demonstrates that Pareto-improving transitions from pay-as-you-go to fully funded pension systems nearly always exist. To demonstrate this, I classify existing theoretical results according to the type of reformed economy, the form of pension benefits, and the policy instruments used during the transition. Then, I show that intergenerational heterogeneity should no longer be considered as an obstacle when implementing Pareto-improving pension reforms. To maintain redistributive or insurance mechanisms supported by pay-as-you-go systems, I propose to replace inefficient social security with redistributive tax and transfer payments inside one generation. This would save the economy from the inefficiency related to the implicit taxes on pension contributions imposed by pay-as-you-go systems. The second essay, “Designing Optimal Pareto Improving Pension Reforms: A More Distorted Economy Can be Reformed Faster”, investigates the optimal Pareto-improving debt-financed transition from pay-as-you-go to fully funded pension systems. In particular, I examine the relationship between key parameter values characterizing the preferences, the technology and the size of the initial system, and the necessary time for a Pareto-improving transition. My finding is that a more distorted economy can be reformed faster. This result gives an additional explanation to the success of the Chilean reform, where an initial pay-as-you-go system was the largest and, at the same time, the most distorting.An Economy with Clever Tax Avoidance Providers.In the third essay “The Importance of Income Distribution for the Price of the Tax Avoidance Service”, I design a model with a clever tax avoidance provider, who maximizes a profit by setting the price for the tax avoidance services. Therefore, the price for the tax avoidance service is endogenously defined. In that setup, the change in income distribution is not less important than changes in the tax code, which together are responsible for the tax avoidance demand. The model has a wide range of applications. In particular, I analyze the relation between inequality and the collection of tax revenue. The paper shows that tax revenue as a percentage of GDP might grow with inequality when the tax code is not significantly changed. Moreover, higher inequality implies lower marginal cost of additional revenue. This assay also considers tax base broadening, providing examples where this leads to a reduction in tax revenue.In the fourth essay, “ Tax Avoidance as a Reason for Secession”, I provide an additional explanation for the intentions to secede related to expected changes in the tax codes after the ''break down of a nation''. To demonstrate my points, I use a tax avoidance model designed in the third essay, where active tax avoidance providers make a decision about the price and quantity of their services. Secession gives the avoidance provider the option of setting different prices in separate regions.  As a consequence, the price for the tax avoidance service may fall in the poorer region and the elite of this region would be able to avoid the tax, which is impossible in union. Moreover, regional separation may lead to tremendous changes in the shape of income distribution, forcing new governments to change the tax codes. Thus, the government of the richer region may reduce tax rates in order to enlarge the tax revenue collection. To avoid a breakdown of the state, the government should reduce inefficient spending and tax duties. Promoting democracy or increasing the political influence of poor households may reduce the tendency to separate. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2002

Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2002.

Submitted by Lucas Nogueira Garcez (lucas.garcez@gvmail.br) on 2015-09-08T18:16:27Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Lucas Nogueira Garcez.pdf: 1225922 bytes, checksum: 9435d144c65d17ff288b3b696dfe2782 (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: A formatação de seu trabalho não está de acordo com as normas da ABNT. Será encaminhado por e-mail o que deverá ser alterado. Att. on 2015-09-08T18:43:28Z (GMT) / Submitted by Lucas Nogueira Garcez (lucas.garcez@gvmail.br) on 2015-09-08T23:24:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertaçãopdf.pdf: 776250 bytes, checksum: 9e7e2356a1c1f4abf65db95972f6ddc0 (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: A formatação não está de acordo com as normas da ABNT. Informações serão encaminhadas por e-mail. on 2015-09-08T23:38:07Z (GMT) / Submitted by Lucas Nogueira Garcez (lucas.garcez@gvmail.br) on 2015-09-09T00:17:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação.pdf: 776291 bytes, checksum: 139a0ffea149ea50df4563de819dc960 (MD5) / Rejected by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br), reason: Informações por telefone. on 2015-09-09T00:22:20Z (GMT) / Submitted by Lucas Nogueira Garcez (lucas.garcez@gvmail.br) on 2015-09-09T00:42:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação2.pdf: 777162 bytes, checksum: 0cb5647bfe05eb1e0df9d6d1106afd13 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Renata de Souza Nascimento (renata.souza@fgv.br) on 2015-09-09T00:43:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação2.pdf: 777162 bytes, checksum: 0cb5647bfe05eb1e0df9d6d1106afd13 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-09T13:00:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação2.pdf: 777162 bytes, checksum: 0cb5647bfe05eb1e0df9d6d1106afd13 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-08 / This work is intended to contribute to the literature about effects of municipalities secession, evaluating its possible impacts over municipal legislature elections. The theoretical models suggest that secession can alter the electoral outcomes in the seceded municipalities, in the same manner as the “gerrymandering”. The empirical evidence found suggests the same. / O presente trabalho pretende contribuir com a literatura sobre os efeitos das divisões de municípios, avaliando possíveis impactos das mesmas sobre as eleições legislativas municipais. Os modelos teóricos informam que o desmembramento pode alterar os 'outcomes' eleitorais nos municípios desmembrados, operando de maneira semelhante ao 'gerrymandering'. As evidências empíricas encontradas sugerem o mesmo.