問題意識： 1. 中國大陸對台政策法制化是否是必要性？中國大陸對台政策過去停留在人治的時代，透過各種政治性文件的宣示，顯然從台灣各項反應，並沒有達成中共預期的目標，因此對台政策法制化實有研究的必要性。 2. 反分裂國家法的原因、過程、內容及所產生的效果究竟為何？值得深入的探討。 3. 反分裂國家法在出台時引發軒然大波，但出台後就刻意低調與淡化處理，其間原因值得探究。 4. 探討反分裂國家出台後對於兩岸關係政策走向之探討。 研究價值： 1.從法制化的角度來探討反分裂國家法，有別於過去研究者單就反分裂國家法本身來探討。 2.從中國大陸對台政策法制化前後來探討中國大陸對台政策，以突顯對台政策法制化的重要性，不同於法制化前或法制化後單方面討論。 3.從法律層面與政治層面來探討反分裂國家法這部具有高度政治性的法律，而不是單純一方面來檢視反分裂國家法。 4. 本論文在資料收集上，作者透過親身至北京大學學習的經驗，得到第一手的書面資料，並透過兩岸學者專家之接觸與訪談，以釐清關於反分裂法之諸多爭議問題，不同於在兩岸任一方來看待反分裂國家法。 研究動機： 1. 作者自身個人的興趣與學科背景。 2. 適逢對台政策法制化的關鍵點。 3. 善盡研究者的學術及社會責任 。 4. 不負兩岸求學的機會。 研究目的： 1. 希望能夠瞭解中國大陸對台政策法制化的意義與必要性。 2. 藉由反分裂國家法制訂的動機、過程、內容探討，以瞭解較接近真相的反分裂國家法。 3. 使台灣民眾能真正瞭解中國大陸對於《反分裂國家法》之看法，使助於釐清一些流於政治認同之想當然爾之偏見，對於一些爭議性的條文與不確定的法律概念，能夠有更客觀之學術分析。 4. 透過《反分裂國家法》的研究，以觀察中國大陸對台政策之走向。 研究方法：文獻分析法(Document Analysis)、歷史研究法(Historical Research)、訪談法(Interview Research)。 研究途徑：法律研究途徑〈(Legal Approach)〉、系統理論〈System Theory〉 研究內容：本論文計分六章，約二十五萬餘字。 章節內容： 第一章部份前言，主要討論的問題包括問題緣起與研究價值、研究動機與目的、文獻檢討、研究方法、研究途徑與研究架構、研究設計這其中又包括研究假設、研究範圍與章節安排)、研究限制及概念界定，第一章是本文的核心重點部分。 第二章部分主要探討中國大陸對台政策法制化前之分析，首先在第一節中，探討反分裂國家法出台前中國大陸對台政策；在第二節中，探討反分裂國家法出台前中國大陸對台政策所存在的問題；在第三節中主要探討對台政策法制化的意義。 第三章部分主要探討法制化下中國大陸對台政策，第一節主要探討反分裂國家法的制訂原因與過程；第二節主要討論反分裂國家法的內容；第三節主要探討反分裂國家法的執行與相關問題探討。 第四章部分主要探討反分裂國家法與國際社會反應，在第一節中主要討論西方國家處理國家分裂問題之法制化實例；第二節主要討論國際社會對反分裂國家法出台後的態度；第三節主要討論台、美間的台灣關係法與台、中間的反分裂國家法。 第五章部分主要探討反分裂國家法出台後對台灣的影響分析，在第一節中，探討反分裂國家法的規範意義；第二節中探討反分裂國家法的主要爭點；在第三節主要是對反分裂國家法出台後對台政策走向探討 第六章部分是本文結論，包括研究發現與研究建議。 【關鍵詞】：反分裂國家法、法制化、法律研究途徑、系統理論、一個中國 / Problem Consciousness: 1 Is legislation of Taiwan policy a necessity? The policy towards Taiwan was formerly manipulated by persons in-charge; through enunciation of political vision, but producing less expected clout. It is, therefore, pushing for a more decisive legislation. 2.What is the reason, process, content and effect about 「Anti-Secession Law」? Try to find out the actual answers on causes, involved procedures, content and its repercussion. 3.「Anti-Secession Law」results in discussing and disagreement. But after drawing up, What is the reason why PRC deals with it silently. 4.What is the trending Analysis towards Taiwan of Mainland China? Research Value: 1.Focused the mainly on legislation, lest discussing 「Anti-Secession Law」itself. 2.Expanding both stages: 「Pre- Anti-Secession Law」 and 「Post- Anti-Secession Law」 3.Emplasizing the legal and public 「Anti-Secession Law」, lest the unilateral 「Anti-Secession Law」itself. 4 On Collecting data: By studying in Peking University and personal contacts with experts and scholars of cross-strait relationship. Research Motivation: 1.Presonal interest and academic background. 2. As if on one, it was time where legislation of the Anti-Secession Law and police took place. 3.Research responsibility in academic and social. 4.Opportunity available for the cross-strait study. Study Goal： 1. Understanding Mainland China’s Taiwan policy formulation under the impacts of the legislation ,institutionalization and its means and imperatives. 2. Understanding the actual stage of affairs under the Anti-Secession Law pertaining to its motivation, procedure, and content. 3. Assisting the Taiwan public to have a clearer understandings of the Anti-Secession Law, lest the political bias from its statutory articles. 4.To have a clearer understanding of its logic applied . Study Method：Literature analysis & study method、Historical study method、 Interview method. Study Approach ：Legal Approach、System Theory Content of Study : There are six chapters of the Thesis, in total of about 250000 characters. Key Words: Anti-Secession Law、Legislation、Legal Approach、System Theory、One China

Après un peu plus de deux décennies d’un système de parti unique, le Cameroun a connu le retour aupluralisme politique au début des années 1990. Ce retour au multipartisme a conduit à une certaine libération de la parole, à une libéralisation politique et des revendications d’appartenances. Le nouvel espace de liberté a contribué à soulever, dans la sphère sociopolitique nationale, la problématique relative à la construction nationale postcoloniale dans un pays où cohabitent un double héritage colonial (franco-britannique) localement domestiqué et des centaines d’appartenances locales d’ordreethno régional, linguistique et religieux. La problématique de la construction nationale, dans un tel contexte de multi appartenance, constitue le propos central de cette étude et porte plus précisément sur la libération manifeste de l’expression des frustrations de la minorité anglophone du Cameroun. Il yest notamment démontré comment le Cameroun moderne, issu de la réunification entre l’ancien territoire du Cameroun sous tutelle française et la partie méridionale de l’ancien Cameroun britannique, gère son double héritage colonial dans un espace d’une diversité labyrinthique. Une gestion parfois concurrentielle, hégémonique et népotique des appartenances ou des identités, identités relatives au double héritage colonial franco-britannique, mais également identités tribales ou ethno régionales, enfin un processus de démocratisation plutôt frivole, illusoire et languissant, semblent entretenir ce qu’on nomme désormais au Cameroun : « la question anglophone » ou encore « le problème anglophone ». / In the early 1990s, just over two decades of a single-party system, Cameroon experienced a return to political pluralism. The multiparty system then led to some free speech, to some political relaxation and claims of belonging as well. The then new area of freedom conduced to the raising, at the sociopolitical level, of the issue of postcolonial nation-building in a country where a double colonial legacy (Anglo-French), locally re-appropriated, has coexisted with hundreds of local particularities of ethno-regional, linguistic and religious nature. The issue of nation-building in such a multiple belonging context is actually the very objective of this study, which focuses on the evident liberation in the manifestation of the English-speaking minority’s frustrations in Cameroon after the political relaxation in the early 1990s. The study shows how the modern State of Cameroon, resulting from the reunification of the former French Cameroon and the former British Southern Cameroons, manages its double colonial legacy in an area of a labyrinthine diversity. What has now been termed in Cameroon as: “the Anglophone Problem” seems to have been nurtured by a competitive, hegemonic and nepotistic management, at times, of heritage or identities – identities regarding the Anglo-French colonial heritage. It has also been revealed by tribal or ethno regional identities and by a democratisation process, which can be seen as rather trivial, illusive and lackadaisical.

Arkansas occupied a key position in the Confederate Trans-Mississippi Department. It offered a gateway for Confederate troops to move north and secure Missouri for the Confederacy, or for Union troops to move south towards Texas and Louisiana. During the war, Union and Confederate armies moved back and forth across the state engaging in numerous encounters. This paper is a year by year study of those encounters and engagements occurring in Arkansas between 1861 and 1865. Emphasis is necessarily placed on the significant campaigns and engagements. Actions which occurred in adjacent states but which militarily affected Arkansas are also discussed. The majority of the material was compiled from the Official Records.

This thesis consists of four self-contained empirical essays. In the first essays "Markets for Risk and Openness to Trade: How are They Related?" (with Helena Svaleryd), we ask if there is an empirical relationship between financial development and openness to trade. Numerous theoretical papers have noted that trade policies can be used as an insurance against shocks from international markets. It follows that the development of markets for risk should reduce the incentives to rely on trade policy for insurance purposes. Feeney and Hillman (2001) explicitly demonstrate how asset-market incompleteness can affect trade policy in a model where trade policy is determined by the lobbying of interest groups. If risk can be fully diversified, special-interest groups have no incentive to lobby for protection, and free trade will prevail. Likewise, trade liberalization might increase the demand for financial services, thereby spurring the development of financial markets. Using several indicators of both openness to trade and financial development, we find an economically significant relation between the two. In particular, the relation holds when using the well known, although criticized (Rodriguez and Rodrik 1999), Sachs-Warner index, and structurally adjusted trade, as indicators of openness. For tariff levels and non-tariff barriers, the results hold only for relatively rich countries. Causality seems to be running both from openness to financial development and the other way around, depending on which indicator and methodology are used. Due to underlying technological differences, industries differ in their need for external financing (Rajan and Zingales, 1998). Since services provided by the financial sector are largely immobile across countries (Pagano et al., 2001), the pattern of specialization should be influenced by the degree of financial development. In the second essay, "Financial Markets, the Pattern of Specialization, and Comparative Advantage: Evidence from OECD Countries" (with Helena Svaleryd), we find this effect to be strong. In fact, the financial sector has an even greater impact on the pattern of specialization among OECD countries than differences in human- and physical capital. Further, the financial sector gives rise to comparative advantage in a way consistent with the Hecksher-Ohlin-Vanek model. Large and active stock markets, as well as the degree of concentration in the banking sector, produce the strongest and most consistent effects. The results also support the view that the quality accounting standards and the legal protection of creditors affect the pattern of industry specialization, while the depth of the financial system (measured by the amount of liquidity in an economy) is a source of comparative advantage. The third essay, "Who Wants Political Integration? Evidence from the Swedish EU-Membership Referendum" looks directly at the determinants of political attitudes towards regional integration and separation. More precisely, the regional voting pattern of the 1994 Swedish EU-membership referendum is analyzed. To explain this variation, an empirical investigation based on the extensive theoretical literature analyzing the determinants of regional economic and political integration is undertaken. Since enhanced possibilities of inter-regional risk sharing is one of the main gains from integration discussed in the literature (e.g Persson and Tabellini, 1996), special attention is given to this issue. The empirical results show that individuals living in labor markets exposed to a high degree of risk were more negative towards EU-membership than those living in safe ones. It is also shown that inhabitants of high-income labor markets, with a high level of schooling and small receipts of central government transfers were relatively positive towards the EU-membership. Given the restrictive regulations limiting discretionary policies within the EU, these results suggest that inhabitants of safe and rich regions voted in favor of secession from the Swedish transfer system, rather than in favor of European integration. In the final essay, "Does Labor Market Risk Increase the Size of the Public Sector? Evidence From Swedish Municipalities", I study if a high degree of private labor-market risk is related to a larger public sector in Swedish municipalities. The theoretical hypothesis is based on Rodrik (1998), who argues (and shows empirically) that countries exposed to a high degree of external risk also tend to have larger governments. The safe public sector is expanded at the expense of risky sectors and hence provides insurance against income volatility. Several problems related to data availability and comparability that apply to cross-country studies are circumvented by using data on Swedish municipalities. Further, there is no need to aggregate the public sector across different levels of governance: local risk is directly related to the size of the local public sector. The paper is not a complete parallel to Rodrik’s study, however. Several alternative insurance mechanisms that do not exist between countries are available between municipalities. For example, the central government provides insurance against individual-specific risk such as unemployment and illness, private capital markets are better integrated within than between countries, and the central government can hand out grants to municipalities. Despite these mitigating factors, local labor-market risk is found to have a substantial impact on municipal public employment. It is also found that shocks increasing the size of the public sector across all municipalities tend to generate a larger increase in risky locations. For municipal public spending and taxation the results are, however, much weaker. Hence, labor-market risk affects the labor intensity of the municipal public sector, rather than its size. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2002</p>

This dissertation provides analysis on several areas of study related to the history of the United States Marine Corps in the Civil War Era. One element scrutinizes the efforts of Commandant Archibald Henderson to transform the Corps into a more nimble and professional organization. Henderson's initiatives are placed within the framework of the several fundamental changes that the U.S. Navy was undergoing as it worked to experiment with, acquire, and incorporate new naval technologies into its own operational concept. Analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of Henderson's programs are provided and comparisons drawn with those priorities established by his successor, Commandant John Harris. In addition, the operations undertaken by the Corps during the Civil War are evaluated in terms of their relative benefit for the national military establishment as a whole. The Corps organization and operational concept is scrutinized and compared with that of similar military structures. In particular, the relationship between the U.S. Marine Corps and the Confederate States Marine Corps are compared. In the process, the South's Corps, born in part out of that of the North's, exhibited many distinct advantages that the USMC solidly resisted adopting during the war years. The influence of key leaders, both military and civilian, reveals many problems that continued to negatively affect the Corps' ability to meet operational requirements as defined by senior naval and Army commanders. Yet despite these issues, the Corps' Civil War experiences served as a crucible for forging a new generation of leaders who earnestly fought for reforms and increased professionalization of the unit. Although the Corps suffered from several problems related to lack of institutional vision and leadership failings of some senior officers, at a small unit level the officers and Marines performed their duties in a competent, enthusiastic, and courageous manner. Therefore, Marines continued to be in great demand by naval commanders at all levels, who actively sought their service in a variety of operation.

2005年3月14日通過「反分裂國家法」，把廿多年來對台方針政策法律化，不僅上升為國家意志，且規範兩岸關係，使反分裂、維護國家主權領土完整有法可依。中共的「反獨」政策是配合國際戰略，為其「和平崛起」創造穩定的週邊環境，以「爭取談、準備打、不怕拖」作為「反獨」的最高原則。因此，我們可發現，中共制定「反分裂國家法」後，對台是以「底線清晰、彈性務實」與「軟硬兼施、分而治之」為指導方針，更特別強調如何與台灣推展交流合作。所以在對台交流作法上更趨靈活細緻，如釋放選擇性利益，拉攏我特定地域、黨派、階層、行業，以及擴大交流，深化兩岸經貿關係，更強調「主動出撃、區別對待、軟硬兼施、入島入心」，積極推動兩岸交流、給予我國民待遇以及廣邀我青年學子赴大陸交流等等。 本論文共分六章，茲將其內容分述如下： （一）第一章為緒論，主要說明本文的研究動機與目的，相關文獻回顧、研究途徑與研究方法、研究範圍與限制以及研究架構等。 （二）第二章探討中共對台交流策略的環境因素，先以中國大陸內部因素加以分析，再對國際因素以及台灣因素進行探討。 （三）第三章敘述胡錦濤主政下「反分裂國家法」制定之內容與意涵，首先分析胡錦濤主政下對台政策新思維，其次探討「反分裂國家法」之內容及意涵，最後分析「反分裂國家法」之意涵。 （四）第四章是探討中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流策略與作法，首先探討「反分裂國家法」之目標，再討論中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流策略。最後探討中共制定「反分裂國家法」後對台交流作法。 （五）第五章探討中共對台交流策略之評估，如中共在「反分裂國家法」後對台交流作法更趨務實，企圖打開兩岸僵局，並且以國民待遇化爭取民間，以及造成我政府壓力。 （六）第六章結論，探討中共對台交流策略之研究發現與建議，為使台海地區保持和平，應繼續爭取美國的支持以及加強兩岸交流合作。 / Ever since the “Anti-Secession Law” passed on March 14, 2005, it has legalized Taiwan policy in the last twenty years, which has not only elevated national volition but also confined the cross-Straits relations to gain a legal ground for “anti-secession” and to preserve national right and its territorial intact. The “anti-idependence”policy of Chinese Communists is tied in international strategy to create stable surroundings for its “peace initiatives,” and to observe the ultimate principle of “anti-independence” in the context of “negotiation first, ready for war and no fears of prolonging.” Therefore we found out that after Chinese Communists have set their“Anti-Secession Law,”with provided guidelines to treat Taiwan under“clear bottom line, flexible and practical” and “hard and soft play, splitting will rule” principles and a strong emphasis on promoting interexchange collaborations with Taiwan. Therefore the execution of interexchange collaborations with Taiwan are seen rather flexible and thorough in terms of optional interest concerns with an intention to release preferential to certain regions, parties, bureaucracy and industries and expanding interexchange scope, deepening cross-Straits economic relations. Furthermore stressed on the propaganda of “making initiatives, discrepancy treatments, hard and soft play, penetrating island to win hearts” with such aggressive interexchange activity promotions and an offer of national treatment and wide open policy for academics exchange in Mainland China to our youngsters. This thesis contains six chapters and the descriptions of each chapter as follows: A. Chapter One is a preface, which mainly describes research motive and objective of this article, and it includes the related literatures with research channels and methods, scope and limitation and the research restructure. B. Chapter Two is discovering the environmental factors of Taiwan interexchange strategy by the Chinese Communists, first part will analyze the internal factor of Mainland China and then global and Taiwan accordingly. C. Chapter Three describes the contents and meanings of “Anti-Secession Law” led by Hu Jintao, first will be the analysis of new aspirations toward Taiwan by Hu Jintao, second will discuss the contents and meanings of “Anti-Secession Law” and last will be the analysis of the meanings of “Anti-Secession Law.” D. Chapter Four is discussing the Taiwan interexchange strategy and execution of “Anti-Secession Law” set by the Chinese Communists. It will discuss the objective of “Anti-Secession Law” first and then Taiwan interexchange strategy after the setting of “Anti-Secession Law” by the Chinese Communists, finally, it will discuss the implementation of Taiwan interexchange of “Anti-Secession Law” set by the Chinese Communists. E. Cheaper Five is a discussion of Taiwan interexchange strategy assessment by the Chinese Communist such as pragmatic ways of dealing Tawain interexchange after setting “Anti-Secession Law” by the Chinese Communists in order to break the deadlock of the cross-Straits and treat our civil with national treatment to put pressures on our government. F. Chapter Six will be the conclusion of this thesis; the main emphasis will be on exploring the discovery and proposition of Taiwan interexchange strategy research by the Chinese Communist with an objective in maintaining peaceful state of Taiwan Strait and continuously rallying for the support form the United States and reinforce the collaborations of cross-Straits interexchange.

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This thesis proposes a reading of David Gauthiers moral contractarianism (hereinafter Mb(CM)A) that demonstrates how cooperation can be rational in situations where expected utilities (EU) are stacked too high against cooperation. The dissertation critically examines Mb(CM)A and contends that it breaks down in the test of application, i.e. the problem of secession because of the conception of rationality it appeals to. Mb(CM)A identifies rationality with utility-maximization, where utility is the measure of considered coherent preferences about outcomes. Mb(CM)A links morality to reason, and reason to practical rationality, and practical rationality to interest, which it identifies with individual utility. On this view, an action (or a disposition) is rational if that action (or disposition) maximizes an agents EU. This conception of rationality the essay claims is both nave and misleading because it does not take into account an agents considered preference for the acts that are available, in addition to the EU of those acts. Therefore, the thesis argues that Mb(CM)As account of rationality be abandoned in favor of a decision-value/symbolic utilitys or morals by decision-value agreements conception of practical rationality. Morals by decision-value agreement (henceforth Mb(DV)A), the dissertation claims, handles serious problems, like the problem of secession in ways that Mb(CM)A cannot. Mb(CM)A breaks down in the test of application because when applied to the problem of secession, it suggests a single-tracked silver bullet solution. Specifically, it tracks only EU-reasons and claims that insofar as cooperation does not maximize the EU of better-off agents, it is not rational for them to cooperate with or support those that are less well-off. By contrast, Mb(DV)A offers a multi-tracked framework for solutions to the problem, namely: it factors in an agents considered preference for the acts that are available, in addition to EU of those acts. It is the argument of the thesis that when EU is stacked too high against cooperation, it may or may not be rational for an agent to cooperate, depending on which way symbolic utility (SU) for that agent points toward. If SU points in the direction of secession, then it is DV-rational for an agent not to cooperate, but if SU points toward non-secession, then it is DV-rational for that agent to cooperate.

This study investigates the constructions of nationhood in two Bulawayo newspapers, the Chronicle and Newsday. Against the backdrop of the emergence of a secessionist movement, Mthwakazi Liberation Front (MLF), this research examines the discourses of nationhood in the secessionist debates raging in these two newspapers. This study is premised on a view that nationhood constructions cannot be understood outside the broader context in which these newspapers are embedded. Accordingly, it traces the roots and resurgence of Matabeleland separatist politics, exploring the political-historical forces that have shaped a distinctive Ndebele identity that poses a threat to the one, indivisible Zimbabwean national identity. Further, the study situates Matabeleland separatist politics within the broader African secessionist discourse challenging the post-colonial nation-building project on the continent. Informed by Hall’s (1992, 1996) constructivist approach to identity, it considers national identities as fragmented, multiple and constantly evolving. Thus, this study is framed within Hall’s (1997) constructivist approach to representation, as it examines the constructions of nationhood in and through language. The study uses qualitative research methods, as it examines the meanings of nationhood in key media texts. Informed by Foucault’s discourse theory, this research employs critical discourse analysis (CDA) to analyse 12 articles from the two newspapers. The findings confirm that the representations of nationhood in the two newspapers are influenced by their position within the socio-political context. The state-owned Chronicle legitimates the unitary state discourse advocated by ZANU PF. On the other hand, Newsday’s representations are informed by the discourses of the opposition political parties and civil society that challenge the dominant nation-building project. Thus, within this paper, secession and devolution emerge as alternative imaginaries that contest the authoritarian discourse of nationhood

This paper explores the current understanding of the right of peoples to self-determination and its impact on international relations. A number of new states have gained international recognition outside the scope of decolonisation, several of which have not fulfilled the usual criteria for statehood, based on existing state practice. In addition, the parent states of Bangladesh, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina as well as Kosovo have not consented to the secession of these territories. The main purpose of this paper is to determine whether based on the stipulations of international documents and mainly on existing state practice, it is possible to verify the existence of a customary law enabling peoples to unilaterally secede. Such a right would pose a threat to the future application of the principle of territorial integrity as one of the basic principles of international relations. In order to answer this question I compare case studies of successful and unsuccessful nations striving for their own state outside the realm of decolonisation. Based on this comparison I analyse the current understanding of the right to self-determination and its impact on international relations. I conclude by stating that it is not possible to unambiguously confirm the existence of such a right. However, in practice the principle of territorial integrity is being breached nonetheless, due to persisting uncertainties regarding the possible application of secession by peoples whose internal right to self-determination was not respected. Together with the fact that the current concept of self-determination ignores collective rights of national groups, this poses a threat to international stability.