The question this paper seeks to answer is whether decentralization is helpful or harmful to Cameroon's national unity. This study traces the historical, constitutional and political development of the concepts of national unity and decentralization and critically examines their application in the Cameroonian context. It further tests the consolidation of national unity in Cameroon against a theoretical and empirical framework of decentralization. A one-dimensional view of the findings of this study is not very encouraging to regimes seeking to enhance national unity through the implementation of decentralization. However, the major conclusion of this study holds the position that the political outcome of decentralization on Cameroon's national unity is largely a product of the constitutional regulation of both concepts and the manner in which the theoretical dimensions of decentralization are transplanted onto Cameroon's political landscape. The paper recommends certain reforms to assist and guide Cameroon as it simultaneously implements decentralization and consolidates national unity. / Magister Legum - LLM

Governing an ethnically diverse country constitutes a major challenge for state power and government in Cameroon. The call for national unity, championed by the regime in power has had to survive strong demands for greater autonomy and threats of secession by groups from within an English-speaking minority. In response to these demands and threats, and in conjunction with reforms to improve democratic governance and service delivery,Cameroon’s state administration has in the last decade resorted to decentralization as a technique for promoting national unity. The question this paper seeks to answer is whether decentralization is helpful or harmful to Cameroon’s national unity. This study traces the historical, constitutional and political development of the concepts of national unity and decentralization and critically examines their application in the Cameroonian context. It further tests the consolidation of national unity in Cameroon against a theoretical and empirical framework of decentralization. A one-dimensional view of the findings of this study is not very encouraging to regimes seeking to enhance national unity through the implementation of decentralization. However, the major conclusion of this study holds the position that the political outcome of decentralization on Cameroon’s national unity is largely a product of the constitutional regulation of both concepts and the manner in which the theoretical dimensions of decentralization are transplanted onto Cameroon’s political landscape. The paper recommends certain reforms to assist and guide Cameroon as it simultaneously implements decentralization and consolidates national unity. / Magister Legum - LLM

Questa tesi si compone di tre parti e tratta di differenti aspetti inerenti l'organizzazione geopolica delle nazioni da un punto di vista teorico. Viene prestata particolare attenzione agli effetti della distribuzione del reddito. / This dissertation is composed of three papers and discusses different aspects of the geopolitical organization of countries from a theoretical point of view. Special attention is given to the effects of income distribution

This study examines the Biafran secession of 1967-1970 and how the secessionist government constructed a Biafran identity in its campaign to gain international support for Biafra’s permanent separation from Nigeria. The introductory chapter outlines the role of identity in Nigeria’s twentieth-century political history and discusses the scholarly literature addressing questions of national and ethnic identity and on the Biafran secession. The thesis then provides a historical framework for discussing the evolution of Nigerian political identities and the failures of Nigerian leaders to build a Nigerian nationalism among the region’s numerous identifiable groups in the colonial and early independence eras. Subsequent chapters analyse the Biafran government’s attempts to elide the inherent instability of identity and overcome the dynamic process of identity formation in Nigeria by constructing and promoting a fixed Biafran identity based on cultural characteristics and historical experiences that allegedly distinguished and united the diverse peoples of the secessionist region.

Magister Legum - LLM / Governing an ethnically diverse country constitutes a major challenge for state power and government in Cameroon. The call for national unity, championed by the regime in power has had to survive strong demands for greater autonomy and threats of secession by groups from within an English-speaking minority. In response to these demands and threats, and in conjunction with reforms to improve democratic governance and service delivery, Cameroon state administration has in the last decade resorted to decentralization as a technique for promoting national unity. The question this paper seeks to answer is whether decentralization is helpful or harmful to Cameroon national unity. This study traces the historical, constitutional and political development of the concepts of national unity and decentralization and critically examines their application in the Cameroonian context. It further tests the consolidation of national unity in Cameroon against a theoretical and empirical framework of decentralization. A one-dimensional view of the findings of this study is not very encouraging to regimes seeking to enhance national unity through the implementation of decentralization. However, the major conclusion of this study holds the position that the political outcome of decentralization on Cameroon national unity is largely a product of the constitutional regulation of both concepts and the manner in which the theoretical dimensions of decentralization are transplanted onto Cameroon political landscape. The paper recommends certain reforms to assist and guide Cameroon as it simultaneously implements decentralization and consolidates national unity. / South Africa

This dissertation focuses on the impact of China’s need for sustained access to oil resources in post-Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) Sudan and Southern Sudan. Applying an integrated conceptual framework (a combination of economic nationalism and Daniel Yergin’s three themes in which the political narratives of oil are grounded), China’s domestic drivers can be identified as the augmentation and security of national power, economic growth and autonomy, modernisation and substantial industrialisation. In order to fulfil these aims, China has a great need for natural resources, especially oil. A prime example of China’s pursuit of sustained access to oil resources is its involvement in the greater Sudan. As a result of the vast amounts of oil, as well as the absence of western competition, Sudan became an obvious choice for China. As a result of the signing of the CPA in 2005, China has had to adjust its principle of upholding formal state sovereignty (and its exclusive relationship with Sudan (Khartoum)), which practically means that it can engage with Southern Sudan (most importantly to secure its vast oil interests in the region). Evidence presented in this dissertation would suggest that it is likely that the greater Sudan is descending towards a possible violent breakup - the main reason being that the CPA has not been fully implemented, largely as a result of Sudan’s (Khartoum) attempts to stall and/or derail the CPA to continue its control over oil resources and the subordination of Southern Sudan. China is arguably the only state that has positive relations with, and substantial influence in, both Sudan (Khartoum) and (albeit to a lesser extent) Southern Sudan. Taking into account that the establishment of a context conducive to stability and peace in the greater Sudan is in its best strategic interest, China has a responsibility (to itself as well as to the greater Sudan) to bring Sudan (Khartoum) and Southern Sudan to the table to negotiate the most pressing issues. It can use its position as most important investor and importer of Sudanese oil to apply pressure on both sides to reach agreements on key outstanding matters, as well as to establish a framework for the road ahead. Even though China is in some circles regarded as Africa’s new colonising power, and even though there are many negative connotations attached to China’s modus operandi on the continent, it now has both the opportunity and the ability to use its influence to help bring about lasting peace to a country devastated by decades of civil war. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

This study examines the Biafran secession of 1967-1970 and how the secessionist government constructed a Biafran identity in its campaign to gain international support for Biafra’s permanent separation from Nigeria. The introductory chapter outlines the role of identity in Nigeria’s twentieth-century political history and discusses the scholarly literature addressing questions of national and ethnic identity and on the Biafran secession. The thesis then provides a historical framework for discussing the evolution of Nigerian political identities and the failures of Nigerian leaders to build a Nigerian nationalism among the region’s numerous identifiable groups in the colonial and early independence eras. Subsequent chapters analyse the Biafran government’s attempts to elide the inherent instability of identity and overcome the dynamic process of identity formation in Nigeria by constructing and promoting a fixed Biafran identity based on cultural characteristics and historical experiences that allegedly distinguished and united the diverse peoples of the secessionist region.

Copied from the mimeographed version, issued by the Statsvetenskapliga institutionen in 1994, ISBN 91-506-1030-9, which in its turn was copied from the 1966 original in the Skytteanum archive. The investigation analyses the Swedish public debate in newspapers, booklets and pamphlets on Norways secession from the union with Sweden in 1905. In the first part covering the period from February till June 7, Norway´s strategy is at the centre of attention. After the Norwegian break-out on June 7, Swedish reactions to the secession are clarified. Above all, the right-wing nationalistic agitation is analysed. While targeted at the Norwegian secessionists, it was also directed at the allegedly unpatriotic Swedish left-radicalism as well; the argumentation of the latter was debunked as repulsive courting of and loathesome ovations for the Norwegian revolutionaries. One line of argument in the dissertation is that Swedish right-wing parties and parliamentarians were motivated by an internal domestic agenda. They were using the union issue to agitate a Swedish nationalistic opinion wave against Norway in order to beat the left in the upcoming elections in order to stop a development towards universal suffrage and progressive income tax.

This thesis describes history of Catalan nationalism and analyzes the motives that lead to separatist tendencies in Catalonia. It also focuses on the impact of devolution and separation on Catalonia and Spain. Catalans are a historic nation with their own language and traditions. Since the establishment of the Kingdom of Spain they have sought a greater autonomy within pluralistic Spain until now. In the history, they experienced numerous efforts of assimilation and suppression, mostly during the dictatorship of General Franco. But the Catalans defended their uniqueness and during the transition to democracy and with the new Constitution of 1978, they gained considerable portion of autonomy. In the history, Catalans did not demand independence, they wanted to be part of the federal Spain. However, due to the economic crisis and the rejection of the greater autonomy, Catalan nationalism converted to separatism.

Support for the creation of an independent Catalan state has increased significantly during the past two decades. In 2017, an estimated 40.2 percent of the total Catalan population supported the creation of an independent Catalonia. The road towards independence has shown to be filled with legal obstacles. While the separatists tend to base their demand for independence on a supposed “right to self-determination” and a “right to decide”, the meaning and effects of invoking these “rights” can be questioned. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the legal possibilities of forming an independent Catalan state based on these commonly invoked rights. With regard to self-determination, this thesis concludes that all peoples have a right to self-determination, but this right does not necessarily entail a right to secession. Only under grave circumstances can self-determination lead to secession. The Catalans are not in such a situation and cannot therefore successfully claim that their right to self-determination entails a right to secede from Spain. As to a “right to decide”, the right as such exists neither within international law nor Spanish national law. This right can be broken down into two parts: The possibility to hold a referendum on independence and the possibility to declare independence based on the referendum. The thesis concludes that despite a referendum being complicated, but not impossible, to organise based on the Spanish Constitution, the Catalans can organise such a referendum based on international human rights law. The Catalans can also unilaterally declare independence since there is no explicit prohibition against doing so. Finally, the thesis discusses the issue of international recognition. Catalonia is unlikely to receive international recognition under the current circumstances. The thesis then concludes that even though the Catalans do not have a right to self-determination in the form of secession, they could organise a referendum and unilaterally declare independence. Such a declaration will however have no effect in practice without recognition from the international community. / El apoyo a la creación de un estado catalán independiente ha incrementado considerablemente en las últimas dos décadas. En 2017, se estimaba que un 40,2 por ciento de la población catalana apoyaba la creación de una Cataluña independiente. El camino hacia la independencia ha demostrado varios obstáculos jurídicos. Las personas que abogan por esta independencia, tienden a fundar su anhelo de establecer una Cataluña independiente apoyándose en un “derecho a la autodeterminación” y un “derecho a decidir”. El significado y los efectos de invocar estos “derechos” pueden ser cuestionados. El objetivo de esta tesis es investigar las posibilidades e incertidumbres legales que podrían conllevar el crear una Cataluña independiente protegiéndose en estos derechos. Con respecto a la autodeterminación, esta tesis concluye que todos los pueblos tienen un derecho a la autodeterminación, pero este derecho no implica un derecho a la secesión. El derecho a la autodeterminación sólo puede implicar un derecho a la secesión bajo circunstancias graves. Hoy en día los catalanes no se encuentran en una situación de tal gravedad, es por ello que el derecho a la autodeterminación no les da un derecho a la secesión de España unilateralmente. El “derecho a decidir” no existe en el orden jurídico español ni en el nivel internacional. Sin embargo, este derecho puede ser dividido en dos partes: La posibilidad de organizar un referéndum, y la posibilidad de unilateralmente declarar independencia según el resultado del referéndum. Esta tesis concluye que, a pesar de que un referéndum es complicado, no sería imposible organizar uno según la constitución española. Es por ello que la población catalana que aboga por la independencia, podrían organizar un referéndum apoyándose en derechos humanos internacionales. Los catalanes también pueden unilateralmente declarar la independencia, porque no hay ninguna prohibición explicita contra una declaración de independencia. Para finalizar, la tesis examina el tema de reconocimiento internacional. Es improbable que Cataluña obtenga reconocimiento internacional como un estado independiente. La tesis concluye que, a pesar de no disfrutar de un derecho a la autodeterminación, los catalanes podrían organizar un referéndum y unilateralmente declarar la independencia. Pero, en todo caso, sería una declaración vacía de contenido y no tendría ningún efecto sin un reconocimiento de la comunidad internacional. / El suport a la creació d’un estat català independent ha incrementat considerablement les últimes dues dècades. El 2017, s’estimava que el 40,2% de la població catalana va donar suport a la creació d’una Catalunya independent. El camí cap a la independència s’ha topat diversos obstacles jurídics. Les persones que advoquen per aquesta independència, tendeixen a fundar el seu anhel d’establir una Catalunya independent en un “dret a l’autodeterminació” i un “dret a decidir”. El significat i els efectes d’invocar aquests “drets” es poden qüestionar. L’objectiu d’aquesta tesi és investigar les possibilitats i incerteses legals que podria comportar el fet de crear una Catalunya independent protegida per aquests drets. Pel que fa a l’autodeterminació, aquesta tesi conclou que tots els pobles tenen un dret a l’autodeterminació, però aquest dret no implica un dret a la secessió. El dret a l’autodeterminació només pot implicar un dret a la secessió sota circumstàncies greus. Avui dia, la població catalana que advoca per la independència no es troba en una situació d’aquesta gravetat, és per això que el dret a l’autodeterminació no els dona un dret a la secessió d’Espanya unilateralment. Pel que fa al “dret a decidir”, aquest dret no existeix en l’ordre jurídic espanyol ni en l’àmbit internacional. No obstant, aquest dret pot dividir en dues parts: la possibilitat d’organitzar un referèndum, i la possibilitat d’unilateralment declarar la independència segons el resultat del referèndum. Aquesta tesi conclou que, tot i que un referèndum és complicat, no seria impossible organitzar-ne un segons la constitució espanyola. És per això que els catalans podrien organitzar un referèndum basant-se en drets humans internacionals. Els catalans també podrien unilateralment declarar la independència, perquè no hi ha cap prohibició explícita contra una declaració d’independència. Per finalitzar, la tesi examina el tema del reconeixement internacional. És improbable que Catalunya obtingui reconeixement com a un estat independent de la comunitat internacional. La tesi conclou que els catalans, malgrat no tenir un dret a l’autodeterminació, podrien organitzar un referèndum i podrien unilateralment declarar la independència. Però, en tot cas, seria una declaració buida de contingut i no tindria cap efecte sense un reconeixement de la comunitat internacional.