<p>Utilizing Critical Theory, through its neo-Gramscian and Frankfurt School dimensions, as the theoretical framework, this study aims to explain how the institutions, such as the United Nations, of an international system transform together with the structure – the international system. More specifically our aim is to explain the lack of transformation of only one body, the Security Council, of that specific institution, the United Nations.</p><p>Analyzing the press releases of the United Nations General Assembly in 1996, 1997, 2000, and 2006 and examining 337 statements from the Member States through Critical Theory to be able understand and explain how and why it hasn’t been possible to reform, or transform, the United Nations Security Council in the last 14 years since the establishment of the Open-Ended Working Group as a group to particularly deal with the question of reform. The analysis suggests that the current debates in the United Nations concerning the reform of the Security Council is unable to produce a successful transformation of that body because it is not possible for an institution to finalize its own transformation independent from that of the structure as a whole.</p>

In the sixty-three years of the United Nations' existence the international stage has evolved significantly, and the world today is different from that when the original United Nations Charter was drafted. Therefore, it is only natural to expect the organization to evolve, in order to fully embrace the changes in the international community and to be able to address these changes efficiently. However, reform to the United Nations has been slow. This lack of change is due to various factors, particularly the lack of cohesiveness among member states and the inability of these to reach an agreement. Member states are unwilling to provide the organization with the power and respect it needs in order to carry out its mandates, therefore, the United Nations becomes an organization with a big to do list, and no way to carry it out. The United Nations may be outdated; however, it is far from being obsolete since it is an important player in the international community and serves endless imperative missions and mandates. It is up to the international community to decide what direction they want the United Nations to take and what the organization will become in the upcoming years. IN the meantime, this study will discuss the possibilities of reform regarding UN budget, the Secretariat and the Security Council. The United Nations is constantly underfunded which is a great limitation on what the organization can do and how well it can do it. Member states expect the organization to function while being starved of funds. Underfunding can be attributed to various issues, particularly the withholding of payments from members states, lack of alternative resources and the high operating costs of the organization. The United Nations works under the guidance of the United Nations Secretariat, which can be considered the organization's administration. Administrative reform is imperative to create a more efficient Secretariat, particularly the areas of staff qualification and the selection and role of the Secretary General; both areas play an essential role in promoting an efficient Secretariat. The Security Council was formed with special privileges to the five superpowers at the time of the Charter's drafting. However, as the international community evolved and power shifted, these privileges had been maintained. Security Council reform should redistribute power accordingly in order to represent the realities of the world today. This study will address the main areas of criticism within the organization: the Budget, the Secretariat and the Security Council, and match them with reform proposals introduced to the organization to address these specific criticisms. Once these criticisms have been matched to reform proposals this study will analyze the reasons why these reforms have failed to materialize over the years and how this has affected the organization. Furthermore, it will address the reasons for lack of action by member states and the possibilities of these reforms taking place in the near future. The goal of this study will be to further understand the reasons why the United Nations has come short of its expectations and how lack of reform is to blame.

Utilizing Critical Theory, through its neo-Gramscian and Frankfurt School dimensions, as the theoretical framework, this study aims to explain how the institutions, such as the United Nations, of an international system transform together with the structure – the international system. More specifically our aim is to explain the lack of transformation of only one body, the Security Council, of that specific institution, the United Nations. Analyzing the press releases of the United Nations General Assembly in 1996, 1997, 2000, and 2006 and examining 337 statements from the Member States through Critical Theory to be able understand and explain how and why it hasn’t been possible to reform, or transform, the United Nations Security Council in the last 14 years since the establishment of the Open-Ended Working Group as a group to particularly deal with the question of reform. The analysis suggests that the current debates in the United Nations concerning the reform of the Security Council is unable to produce a successful transformation of that body because it is not possible for an institution to finalize its own transformation independent from that of the structure as a whole.

The reform of the United Nations Security Council belongs among the most discussed topics in the field of international relations. The criticism calling for adjustments to the Council's structure arose with the transformation of the international scene during the years of the Cold War. The process of decolonisation and the subsequent growth of the UN membership along with the decline of Great Britain and France fuelled the international pressure calling for the UNSC to reflect this new situation in its composition. However, in spite of the great number of proposals, since 1963 there has not been any major change. France, a permanent member of the Security Council, continued maintaining its negative attitude towards the reform until the end of the Cold War. Nevertheless, shortly after the end of the Cold War, the position of France changed. This change was articulated through the speech of Alain Juppé at the plenary meeting of the General Assembly in 1993, where France openly supported the UNSC reform. It can therefore be said that in 1993 there was a great change in French foreign policy. This thesis analyses how this change is projected in political discourse. Its aim is examining the nature of argumentation in the abovementioned discourse along with the way it corresponds to the...

Reform of the United Nations Security Council has already become an evergreen of international politics. There are many reform proposals, but it's impossible to find satisfactory solution. One of the main candidates for new permanent membership is Germany, which published its bid in 1992. During 90's also emerged first proposals mentioning the possibility of future permanent membership of the European Union. This thesis contributes to debate on Europeanisation of foreign policies of EU member states. The aim is to find out, whether has German bid for permanent membership in the UN Security Council been influenced by membership of Germany in the European Union. For a better recognition of possible Europeanisation effects is German case compared with Japan, which published its bid only one year later and shares similar characteristics to Germany. Content analysis method is used to compare German and Japanese argumentation with regard to four topics: equitable representation, economic power, multilateral cooperation and responsibility.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao DANIEL FRANCA OLIVEIRA.pdf: 930759 bytes, checksum: f4dd04daadd3161679331d37899dd5de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-02-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The recent Brazilian to a United Nations Security Council permanent seat is the expression of a historical desire in having a place among the great powers. The path followed by the so-called Great Power Foreign Policy begins in the political tentative in being elected to a permanent seat in the League of Nations Council. It also passes through a process of diplomatic negotiation with the United States to occupy a permanent seat in the Security Council during the establishing process of United Nations and goes through the nuclear parallel policy project in the Geisel period. Its recent manifestation begins when President Sarney takes the initiative to release Brazilian candidacy to a permanent seat in the Security Council, in 1989. Since then, the other government periods have given distinct diplomatic treatment and emphasis during the debate process of the Council expansion. For instance, in the beginning of the 90´s, president Collor promotes an exploration diplomacy that corresponds to the immature atmosphere of first debates about the Council s reform. Recently, President Lula, emphasizing a policy willing for leadership, gives an intense treatment to the Brazilian campaign in the Council s expansion. Even if, having a diplomacy accurately constructed to get a great power status to Brazil in the Council _ which the most important alliance is the G-4, a group formed by Brazil, Germany, Japan and India to propose a unified resolution to the Council s reform _ Lula has not been successful in getting Brazil a permanent seat. The present study is an analysis of the main reasons that have taken Brazil s proposal to an unsuccessful stage. It is based in three main possibilities: the Brazilian lack of power projection capacity in the international relations, the non-regional consensus on Brazilian proposal, and the political rivalry between Japan and China, showing a misperception in Brazil diplomacy view, having joined the G-4. With this specific purpose, an analysis is executed based on the Great Power Foreign Policy historical fundaments and on how the foreign policy since president Sarney to Lula contributed to this unwished result / A atual candidatura brasileira para um assento permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas é a expressão de um antigo desejo brasileiro de ocupar um lugar no concerto das grandes nações. O trajeto percorrido pela chamada política externa de grande potência, nesse sentido, inicia na tentativa de ocupar uma cadeira permanente no Conselho da Liga das Nações, passa pela negociação com os EUA por um lugar permanente no Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas durante sua criação, assim como também tem passagem na política nuclear paralela do governo Geisel, e culmina na iniciativa do presidente Sarney quem lançou a candidatura atual brasileira, em 1989, e a qual sobrevive até os dias atuais, no governo Lula. Desde o governo Sarney, a participação brasileira nos debates acerca da ampliação do CS têm tido diferentes ênfases e graus de importância nos governos subseqüentes: desde a diplomacia de desbravamento de Collor no início dos debates sobre a reforma até a política para uma busca de liderança explícita de Lula, promovendo uma campanha intensa para eleger o Brasil ao Conselho. Mesmo com uma diplomacia arquitetada para lograr a vontade brasileira de obter status de potência mundial, cuja aliança mais importante é o G-4 (grupo formado por Alemanha, Brasil, Japão e Índia que propõe uma única resolução para a reforma do Conselho), Lula não elege o Brasil para o Conselho. Esse estudo é uma análise de como os resultados até o momento atual não favoreceram o pleito brasileiro no Conselho, tendo os EUA e a China vetado a proposta de reforma do G-4. Nos baseamos em três principais possibilidades que possam ter culminado nesse resultado: a ausência de capacidade do Brasil de projetar poder nas relações internacionais, o não consenso regional para com o pleito brasileiro, e a rivalidade sino-japonesa, mostrando um misperception da diplomacia brasileira ao aderir o G-4. Para tanto, ao longo do estudo, analisamos desde o histórico da política externa de grande potência até a construção de um mapa político desde o governo Sarney até Lula para verificar essas possibilidades