This thesis identifies and analyses the major patterns of class-based structural violence (based on the differential access to class power) in some of the main areas of social organisation in Britain in the period from 1979 to 2010 (the period of neoliberal consolidation in Britain). It does this by pioneering the empirical operationalisation of a neo-Galtungian concept and typology of structural violence. Additionally, the thesis refines the theoretical lens on structural violence for the primary purpose of improving its ability to reach new insights in the process of the empirical analysis of class-based structural violence. These improvements are to a large extent based on a theoretical and typological synthesis of Galtung’s theory of structural violence with Amartya Sen’s conceptualisation of instrumental freedoms. To avoid a static examination of social structures, my work analyses the dynamics of various forms of structural violence in the analysed period understood as the dialectical interplay of structural and subjective agential factors. The extensive and sustained employment of the concept of class-based structural violence in this thesis through a number of specific case studies contributes to a more integrated understanding of the research problem and verifies the hypothesis about the existence of extensive and systemic class-based structural violence in Britain across several main dimensions of social life. My study also elucidates the character of this structural violence and some of the most prominent causal mechanisms by which it is reproduced. This initial cartography of class-based structural violence in Britain also identifies a number of new research questions in relation to the analysed topic.

As Aboriginal peoples relocated to urban areas in the 1950s and 1960s they often found that the services they were offered did not suit their needs, to address this issue Aboriginal peoples began advocating for organizations of their own. Two such organizations include the Saskatoon Indian and Métis Friendship Centre and the Community Liaison Committee. This thesis will explore how Aboriginal peoples worked to create organizations that served their needs, rather than assimilating as was expected; how the status blind approach within organizations was resisted; and how these organizations had a strong desire and vision to become self-governing, often demonstrated by engaging in coproduction, even in the very early stages of organizational development. The data collected included archival documents and informant interviews and was analyzed using an adapted form of grounded theory. The research and analysis revealed waves of engagement in coproduction as a way to defy expectations that Aboriginal peoples would assimilate once moving to the city, and rather embrace Aboriginal cultures and practices in the city.

As Aboriginal peoples relocated to urban areas in the 1950s and 1960s they often found that the services they were offered did not suit their needs, to address this issue Aboriginal peoples began advocating for organizations of their own. Two such organizations include the Saskatoon Indian and Métis Friendship Centre and the Community Liaison Committee. This thesis will explore how Aboriginal peoples worked to create organizations that served their needs, rather than assimilating as was expected; how the status blind approach within organizations was resisted; and how these organizations had a strong desire and vision to become self-governing, often demonstrated by engaging in coproduction, even in the very early stages of organizational development. The data collected included archival documents and informant interviews and was analyzed using an adapted form of grounded theory. The research and analysis revealed waves of engagement in coproduction as a way to defy expectations that Aboriginal peoples would assimilate once moving to the city, and rather embrace Aboriginal cultures and practices in the city.

Abstract Whether the public affairs are executed by central or local government in Taiwan is based on the constitution, law and orders. The clauses of constitution were derived from the ¡§Principle of proper separation of competence¡¨, asserted first by Dr. Sun Yet-sen. From these clauses local and central governments in Taiwan should deal with different things which are properly divided according to their nature. But those clauses were not executed because of the unpredicted failure in mainland. For the reasons to initiate and regulate the local-self government institution, many acts and decrees had enacted after 1949, which gradually twisted the meaning of previous clauses that are ought to be obeyed. Besides, the increasing chaos happened recently about the struggle of expenditure in local and central authorities, showed the problems as the result of deviation. This thesis elaborates on the articles of institution which combines the clauses in the constitution and the ultimate aim of local self-government, includes democracy, separation of power in vertical level, and how the local governments are protected by law. This thesis also describes and analyses the whole juristic construction in separating local and central affairs, and, with a new-institutionalist approach, tries to find the key factors which make this institution evolved, changed and disobeyed the principles which they should be fulfilled. With these factors, this thesis finds that the deviation of the institution which is ought to be fulfilled is evolved by the ¡§path¡¨, the way it changed the previous aim or purpose. Consequently, once the ¡§path¡¨ had formatted, the actors of institution-local governments and central governments, will not obey the constitutional clauses and will keep exercising the deviated system of institution about the separation of central and local affairs.

The main frame of this research is ¡§Economic Modernization¡¨ categorized modernization theory, and the objective of this research is TVEs to analyze the characteristics of Mainland China¡¦s economic modernization. TVEs is a kind of special enterprise style of China. TVEs integrate rural resources, collective ownership, and modern business management into the main power of the development of rural economy. Moreover, also the particularities of TVEs¡¦ system are the emphasis of this research. The members of TVEs which are villagers, local government officers, managers, and party cadres form a kind of special mutual-dependence relationship between rural communities, CPC (Communist Party of China), and governments. Finally, the extending question is economic modernization transiting to political modernization, also China with the different development from western nations.

THE SOCIALIST WORKERS&amp / #8217 / SELF-GOVERNMENT IT&amp / #8217 / S EFFECT ON WORKERS&amp / #8217 / INFLUENCE AND THE TRANSCENDENCE OF THE ALIENATION OF LABOR IN YUGOSLAVIA Ali Milliogullari Ph.D. Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Sinasi Aksoy September 2007, 224 pages The objective of this dissertation study is to explore the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government and to what extend the socialist workers self-government&amp / #8217 / s theoretical aim and potential for the transcendence of the alienation of labor has been realized in the experience of the Socialist Yugoslavia, by a theoretically and socio-historical contextually grounded comparative empirical inquiry in Yugoslavia. The main theoretical thesis of this study is that compared to the etatist-bureaucratic socialist system and the capitalist societal system, the self-governing socialism can have a qualitatively more significant positive effect on the workers influence over decision-making and the transcendence of alienation of labor in work organizations. The study is composed of three main parts: (1) the examination and evaluation of the theoretical perspectives on the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government and the alienation of labor, (2) the examination of the development of the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government in Yugoslavia in practice, and (3) a comparative empirical study concerning the effect of the socialist workers&amp / #8217 / self-government in Yugoslavia and the capitalist non-participative management in Turkey on the workers influence over decision-making and the transcendence of the alienation of labor in work organizations. The analyses of the research data for the within - the socialist workers self-management system in Yugoslavia revealed that, contrary to the expectations of the related theory, ideology and de jure structure, the socialist workers self-management did not have a qualitatively significant positive effect on the workers influence and transcendence of the alienation of labor in work organizations. However, as to the between societal systems comparison, the analyses of the research data indicated that, in consistent with the theoretical expectations, compared with the capitalist management system in Turkey, the socialist workers self-management in Yugoslavia has a statistically more significant positive effect on the workers influence and the reduction of the powerlessness in work dimension of the alienation of labor.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera fyra statliga offentliga dokument för att se vad problemen är representerade att vara som leder politiken mot en riktning där den kommunala planeringen, i form av den fysiska planeringen och bostadsförsörjningsplaneringen, i större utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till ett regionalt perspektiv. Syftet med denna uppsats blir således också att analysera villkoren för det kommunala självstyret när en av dess grundbultar, den kommunala planeringen, i ökad utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till den regionala nivån. Den här uppsatsen teoretiska- och metodologiska ansats bygger på ett vetenskaplig paket av Carol Bacchi. Hennes ansats studerar problemrepresentationer och för att besvara den här uppsatsen övergripande frågeställningar använder jag mig av ett diskursanalysverktyg som är inspirerad utifrån hennes ansats. Den empiriska analysen visar att en av problemrepresentationerna är att det pågår en regionförstoring med växande funktionella regioner. En annan problemrepresenation som framträder i de undersökta dokumenten är att det anses vara betydande av en ökad samordning av den kommunala planeringen. Det kommunala planmonopolet, som är en del av det kommunala självstyret, problematiseras att vara av stor vikt i de undersökta dokumenten, men att det finns brister i tillämpningen m.m. Alla dessa problematiseringar ovan som funnits i de undersökta dokumenten kan spåras till en diskurs där hållbar utveckling, konkurrenskraft och tillväxt är det självklara och eftersträvansvärda. Villkoren för kommunalt självstyre kan förstås på det sättet att en av dess grundbultar, den kommunala planeringen, i större utsträckning ska ordnas i- och ta hänsyn till en nyregional logik som bygger på en viss typ av politik med en konsensustradition. / The purpose of this essay is to analyze four public document published by the Swedish state to see what the problems is represented to be, which makes the politics move to a certain direction where municipal planning, more specifically spatial and social planning and housing planning, should take into account regional perspectives. Also, the purpose of this essay is to analyze the terms of the local self-government in a context where the municipal planning is increasingly to be arranged in a regional perspective. This essays theoretical- and methodological approach contains of a scientific package created by Carol Bacchi. Her theoretical- and methodological approach studies problem representations and to answer this essay overall questions I use a discourse analysis tool inspired of Bacchis approach. The empirical analysis shows that there is a problem representation about an ongoing regional expansion, thus expanding functional regions. Another problem representation is that it is considered necessary to have a greater coordination of the municipal planning. The municipal monopoly, which is a part of the local self-government, is problematized in the examined document to be of great importance, but there are some shortcomings in the application. All of these problem representations and problematisations can be traced to a discourse in which sustainable development, competitiveness and growth is desirable. The terms of the local self-government can be understood in the sense that one of its cornerstones, the municipal planning, greater will be arranged in a new regional logic, which builds upon a certain kind of politics with a consensus tradition

In The Spirit of the Laws, Montesquieu distinguishes between governing regimes and positive law based on principles that emerge from relationships within the actual world and laws based on prejudices or ignorance which encourages one group to exert political power adverse to others. The reduction of the influence of prejudice becomes a central component of Montesquieu’s political theory. It requires the promotion of moderation and political liberty and becomes the central work of the legislator in “free and moderate” or self-governing states. Montesquieu’s conception of moderation and liberty requires him to develop a conception of liberalism in contrast to the approaches of both the ancient republics of singular institutions and the modern political theorists, Machiavelli and Hobbes. Both the ancient and modern conceptions of liberalism rely on a version of prejudice-inspired regimes that are inappropriate to modern self-government. The English Constitution provides the best practical example of a “free and moderate state” that can aspire to political greatness. England promotes political liberty in its two forms through the separation of powers and political partisanship, while it encourages moderation by the prudent harnessing of England’s “mores, manners, and received examples” in the form of religion, commerce, and politics (XIX, 27). The English Constitution demonstrates the difficulty of reducing prejudices for other states, and highlights Montesquieu’s ambivalence regarding man’s potential to govern himself given the constraints upon him. / text

The Canadian child welfare system has increasingly found itself under attack for its treatment of First Nations children. The charge is made that it imposes a colonial regime on First Nations families which negates the importance of their cultural identity, and devalues their cultural practices and traditions. Self-government is consistently advanced as the only appropriate response. The question this thesis addresses is whether too much faith is placed in self-government, without sufficient protections for children in the communities. The issue of First Nations child welfare is placed within the wider debates over the need for decolonisation in Canada. It is a premise of this thesis that First Nations hold an inherent right to self-government which demands respect for their sovereign authority in core areas such as child welfare. However, self-government is not a panacea for First Nations communities. The legacy of colonialism continues to manifest itself in the socioeconomic problems prevalent on many reserves/These problems pose a direct challenge to self-governing child welfare agencies and to the safety of the children in their care. This raises the dilemma of how to ensure the fundamental rights of First Nations children are effectively protected, whilst also respecting the 'sovereign' jurisdiction of First Nations communities. The attempts of non-native society to impose controls on First Nations governments, principally through the imposition of the Canadian Charter, are rejected on the basis they continue to perpetuate a colonial philosophy. However, adopting a theory of 'rejuvenated universalism,' and on the basis of a dialogue with three native controlled child welfare agencies in British Columbia, it is argued that agreement on fundamental standards of child welfare could be forged across native and non-native cultures. It is suggested these standards should be guaranteed in a Children's Charter binding all governments in Canada. A Children's Charter which has been developed through fully inclusive cross-cultural dialogue, and which consequently reflects the values of all the various cultures, would provide an essential mechanism for the external evaluation and review of child welfare agencies in Canada, whether native or non-native, according to their own freely accepted values and principles.

Darbe siekiama atskleisti vietos valdymo ir vietos savivaldos sampratą mokslinėje bei teisinėje literatūroje, išanalizuoti vietos valdymo ir vietos savivaldos pagrindų konstitucinį įtvirtinimą, šio įtvirtinimo determinuojantį poveikį įstatymams ir kitiems teisės aktams, apibendrinti pagrindinės vietos valdymą įgyvendinančios institucijos – apskrities – bendradarbiavimą su vietos savivaldos institucijomis, išskirti šio bendradarbiavimo problemas. Daugelyje demokratinių pasaulio valstybių vietos valdymo ir vietos savivaldos kompetencija įtvirtinama konstituciniu lygmeniu. Konstitucinės nuostatos dėl vietos valdymo ir savivaldos yra suformuluotos įvairiuose Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijos straipsniuose, šias nuostatas detalizuojančiuose įstatymuose ir poįstatyminiuose teisės aktuose. Vietos valdymo ir vietos savivaldos institutų esminiai bruožai yra atskleisti Konstitucinio Teismo doktrinoje. Savivaldybių ir valstybės interesai yra derinami, vietos valdymo ir vietos savivaldos institucijų bendradarbiavimu siekiama bendro tikslo – užtikrinti efektyvų visuomenės ir valstybės reikalų tvarkymą. Darbe atkreipiamas dėmesys į priimtas Konstitucijos pataisas dėl vietos savivaldos pagrindų bei pateikiama Konstitucijos keitimo projektų apžvalga siekiant įtvirtinti naują vietos savivaldos modelį. / The aim of this work is to find out the conception of the local government and local self-government in academic and law literature, to analize the constitutional basis of the local government and local self – government, its determinate influence upon the law and other law regulation, generalize the institution of basic local realizing government in cooperation with institutions of the local self – government, to separate the main problems of this communication. In many democratic countries the basis of the local government and local self –government are consolidated in constitutional level. The constitutional regulation of the local government and local self – government is located in separate articles of constitution of Respublic of Lithuania, this regulation detalizing in the law and in legitimate law acts. The conceptions of local government and local self – government are layed in the doctrine of Constitutional Court. State and the municipalities interests are combine, the institutions of local government and local self-government communication are ladied for the same purpose – to ensure an effective regulation of the works in society and in the state. In this work is trying to turn an attention to the Constitutional amendments and present the projects of Constitution amendments which are related with a new model of local authority.