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The purpose of this study is to examine American perceptions of Russia as a problem between 2001 and 2021, specifically the perceptions present in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC). It tries to answer two questions: 1) how the perceptions have developed, and the perceived reasons driving this development, and 2) the differences between Republican and Democratic senators. This is done with a qualitative content analysis of the seven hearings for United States Secretary of State held between 2001, in the beginning of George W. Bush’s presidency, to 2021, the beginning of Joe Biden’s presidency. The study makes use of actor-specific theory and Kaplowitz’ theory on the perception of enemies as its theoretical framework. The result of the study is that the perception has developed from a cautious view of a Russia that is unstable, but not hostile, to one of Russia as actively hostile and problematic. The question of party differences indicates that there are few differences between the two parties other than their view on Donald Trump and his connections to Russia, although this finding is not as conclusive.

The Faculty Senate of East Tennessee State University shall be governed by the following by-laws in the conduct of its business. When the by-laws are updated, any substantive changes will be listed here as well as the previous version(s) of the document.

The 2006 Congressional elections included some of the closest elections in recent history. Party control was on the line in both houses of Congress. As a result, candidate message strategies were subject to intense scruntiny by media and voters alike since each election played a significant role in determining which party would control the Senate. This thesis employs a content analysis of ten candidate-controlled blogs from five 2006 U.S. Senate elections to evaluate candidate issues, incumbent and challenger strategies, and message tactics used by the candidate to reach a wide classification of voters. The entire population of posts from the ten candidate blogs (N = 474) was included in this analysis. The thesis assesses candidate blog strategies and candidate gender difference through the theoretical perspectives of the issue ownership framework, agenda setting, and incumbent and challenger strategies. Findings show little evidence of intercandidate agenda setting through blogs, general adherence to assumptions of the issue ownership framework, and offer foundations for future communication research focused on candidate blogs. Recommendations for future research include a more expansive study of all campaign blogs as well as an intermedia agenda setting study to measure systematically the influence of blogs on other media. / Master of Arts

The Constitution of the Faculty Senate was last approved by Faculty vote on March 21, 2020. When the Constitution is updated, any substantive changes will be listed here as well as the previous version(s) of the document.

La thèse analyse un document intitulé Record Labeling Hearing (RLH) (1985), qui reprend dans son intégralité une séance qui s’est tenue au Congrès des États-Unis à propos du contenu jugé problématique de certains albums de musique. Au cœur de cette séance, se retrouve le Parents Music Resource Centre (PMRC), un groupe de pression qui voit le jour en 1984. D’après le PMRC, les albums avec des paroles traitant de sexe, de violence, d’occulte, de drogues et d’alcool méritent l’autocollant du « Parental Advisory : Explicit Lyrics » afin d’avertir les parents des thématiques abordées. La séance réunit des sénateurs du Congrès américain, les membres du PMRC et des alliés de ces derniers, dont la National Parent/Teacher Association (NPTA), ainsi que des représentants de l’industrie de la musique et trois artistes. Nous verrons dans la thèse qu’en fait, c’est le heavy metal que le PMRC et ses alliés visaient lors du RLH et non par exemple certains contenus transversaux à divers types d’albums de musique. A cette époque, la sous-culture du heavy metal était encore en émergence et pour tout dire bien fragile. En 1985, elle était même menacée de fragmentation en raison de la popularité de certains de ses sous-genres. Or, en présentant le heavy metal comme une contre-culture, le RLH a aidé ce genre musical à se constituer en véritable sous-culture.

La thèse analyse un document intitulé Record Labeling Hearing (RLH) (1985), qui reprend dans son intégralité une séance qui s’est tenue au Congrès des États-Unis à propos du contenu jugé problématique de certains albums de musique. Au cœur de cette séance, se retrouve le Parents Music Resource Centre (PMRC), un groupe de pression qui voit le jour en 1984. D’après le PMRC, les albums avec des paroles traitant de sexe, de violence, d’occulte, de drogues et d’alcool méritent l’autocollant du « Parental Advisory : Explicit Lyrics » afin d’avertir les parents des thématiques abordées. La séance réunit des sénateurs du Congrès américain, les membres du PMRC et des alliés de ces derniers, dont la National Parent/Teacher Association (NPTA), ainsi que des représentants de l’industrie de la musique et trois artistes. Nous verrons dans la thèse qu’en fait, c’est le heavy metal que le PMRC et ses alliés visaient lors du RLH et non par exemple certains contenus transversaux à divers types d’albums de musique. A cette époque, la sous-culture du heavy metal était encore en émergence et pour tout dire bien fragile. En 1985, elle était même menacée de fragmentation en raison de la popularité de certains de ses sous-genres. Or, en présentant le heavy metal comme une contre-culture, le RLH a aidé ce genre musical à se constituer en véritable sous-culture.

The Senate Munitions Committee of 1934-1936, chaired by Gerald Nye of North Dakota, provided the first critical examination of America's modern military establishment. The committee approached its task guided by the optimism of the progressive Social Gospel and the idealism of earlier times, but in the middle of the munitions inquiry the nation turned to new values represented in Reinhold Niebuhr's realism and Franklin D. Roosevelt's Second New Deal. By 1936, the committee found its views out of place in a nation pursuing a new course and in a world threatening to break out in war. Realist historians writing in the cold war period (1945-1990) closely linked the munitions inquiry to isolationism and created a one-dimensional history in which the committee chased evil "merchants of death." The only book-length study of the munitions investigation, John Wiltz's In Search of Peace, published in 1963, provided a realist interpretation. The munitions inquiry went beyond the merchants of death in its analysis of the post-World War I American military establishment. A better understanding emerges when the investigation is considered not only within an isolationist framework, but also as part of the intellectual, cultural, and political history of the interwar years. In particular, Franklin Roosevelt's political use of the investigation becomes apparent. Sources used include the committee's hearings, exhibits, and reports, the Gerald Nye Papers, the Franklin Roosevelt Papers, the Cordell Hull Papers, the R. Walton Moore Papers, the Henry Stimson Papers, the Homer Cummings Diaries, and the State Department's decimal files.

The purposes of this study were to: (a) determine the effects of Senate Bill 7 on expenditures in Texas school districts, (b) compare similarities and differences in expenditures among property-poor, medium-wealth, and wealthy-districts, (c) analyze spending patterns in light of equalization efforts, and (d) provide useful data to researchers in the area of equalization and adequacy.

As análises recentes sobre a participação do Poder Legislativo na definição da política externa nacional criticam o entendimento de que os parlamentares brasileiros seriam desinteressados nas questões externas. Assume-se que o comportamento parlamentar apareceria circunscrito por limitantes político-institucionais, os quais definiriam a forma como ocorre a participação. A presente pesquisa parte desse pressuposto para avaliar os trabalhos legislativos no âmbito da Comissão de Relações Exteriores e Defesa Nacional do Senado Federal. Os achados permitem afirmar que os membros da Comissão assumiram não somente uma postura interessada, mas também exerceram controle e influenciaram a política externa colocada em vigor pelo Executivo. / Recent analyses about the participation of the Legislative Power on the definition of the national foreign policy review the judgment that the Brazilian members of parliament are disinterested in external issues. It is assumed that the parliamentary behavior appears circumscribed by political and institutional restrains, which are defining the manner on which participation occurs. The present research parts from this presumption to evaluate the legislative work in the Foreign Policy and National Defense Committee of the Federal Senate. The findings allow us to affirm that the Committee members not only assumed an interested posture, but also exerted control and influenced the foreign policy carried out by the Executive Power.