This thesis examines the motives, methods and successes of opposition to C. Julius Caesar in the period 60-50 leading to the outbreak of civil war in 49. An attempt has been made to distinguish between traditional and innovative methods of opposition. An evaluation of creativity levels and the social acceptability of actions has been conducted in an effort to understand adherence to moral standards in the pre-war period. In Chapter 2, opposition to Caesar in 60 and 59 is examined and found to be fierce, persistent and, despite Caesar ultimately achieving his aims, successful in a limited way. Chapter 3 examines the circumstances of 58-57. Caesar’s position was more firmly secured through the agency of Clodius’ tribunate, during which Cicero was exiled and Cato was removed from the political scene for both political and personal reasons. Examination of opposition to Caesar in Chapter 4 focuses on the period 56-54. It is demonstrated that prior to the conferences of Luca and Ravenna, opposition to Caesar was broadly undertaken by groups or individuals who fomented dissent between Crassus and Pompey in order to undermine the triumvirate as a whole. In 55 opposition to Caesar was nullified by a renewal of the triumvirate. In 54 opposition was resurgent and dominated the courts with limited success. In Chapter 5, opposition to Caesar in the period 53-50 is examined and is shown to be marked by anarchy, attempted reforms and the disintegration of the triumviral alliance. Given widespread impressions of pressure, corruption, violence and breakdown, especially in modern accounts of the period, it is suprising to discover that tactics used by Caesar’s opponents were traditional and socially acceptable for the most part, despite vehement political and personal disagreement. The will of the people was still respected by Caesar’s opponents; popular opinion in 59 was in fact the cause of opposition failure. While the Republic had suffered civil war in the opening decades of the first century BC, the state had resumed constitutional operation prior to 60. Traditional moral values and methods of gaining rank and prestige were still important and continued to be adhered to after 60. Methods of influence and social communication remained largely unchanged in the 50s, and ensured the continuity of political exchange without substantial innovation. From 56 to 54 opposition methods were opportunistic, a result of the renewal of the triumvirate. Caesar’s opponents continued to adhere to traditional political practice, despite dominance of the political machinary by the triumvirate. In 54 Caesar’s opponents gained control of the law courts, which resulted in numerous trials but no break with traditional or socially acceptable behaviour. Opposition between 53 and 50 remained traditional in most cases within an environment marked by anarchy and political stalemate, fueled by the intransigence of Caesar and Pompey who refused to recognise each others’ dignitas. The Civil War, then, was not caused by an extended period of constitutional instability. The Civil War was the result of political deadlock at the end of the 50s, motivated by the social and political inflexibility of a small group of Senators.

This thesis examines the motives, methods and successes of opposition to C. Julius Caesar in the period 60-50 leading to the outbreak of civil war in 49. An attempt has been made to distinguish between traditional and innovative methods of opposition. An evaluation of creativity levels and the social acceptability of actions has been conducted in an effort to understand adherence to moral standards in the pre-war period. In Chapter 2, opposition to Caesar in 60 and 59 is examined and found to be fierce, persistent and, despite Caesar ultimately achieving his aims, successful in a limited way. Chapter 3 examines the circumstances of 58-57. Caesar’s position was more firmly secured through the agency of Clodius’ tribunate, during which Cicero was exiled and Cato was removed from the political scene for both political and personal reasons. Examination of opposition to Caesar in Chapter 4 focuses on the period 56-54. It is demonstrated that prior to the conferences of Luca and Ravenna, opposition to Caesar was broadly undertaken by groups or individuals who fomented dissent between Crassus and Pompey in order to undermine the triumvirate as a whole. In 55 opposition to Caesar was nullified by a renewal of the triumvirate. In 54 opposition was resurgent and dominated the courts with limited success. In Chapter 5, opposition to Caesar in the period 53-50 is examined and is shown to be marked by anarchy, attempted reforms and the disintegration of the triumviral alliance. Given widespread impressions of pressure, corruption, violence and breakdown, especially in modern accounts of the period, it is suprising to discover that tactics used by Caesar’s opponents were traditional and socially acceptable for the most part, despite vehement political and personal disagreement. The will of the people was still respected by Caesar’s opponents; popular opinion in 59 was in fact the cause of opposition failure. While the Republic had suffered civil war in the opening decades of the first century BC, the state had resumed constitutional operation prior to 60. Traditional moral values and methods of gaining rank and prestige were still important and continued to be adhered to after 60. Methods of influence and social communication remained largely unchanged in the 50s, and ensured the continuity of political exchange without substantial innovation. From 56 to 54 opposition methods were opportunistic, a result of the renewal of the triumvirate. Caesar’s opponents continued to adhere to traditional political practice, despite dominance of the political machinary by the triumvirate. In 54 Caesar’s opponents gained control of the law courts, which resulted in numerous trials but no break with traditional or socially acceptable behaviour. Opposition between 53 and 50 remained traditional in most cases within an environment marked by anarchy and political stalemate, fueled by the intransigence of Caesar and Pompey who refused to recognise each others’ dignitas. The Civil War, then, was not caused by an extended period of constitutional instability. The Civil War was the result of political deadlock at the end of the 50s, motivated by the social and political inflexibility of a small group of Senators.

This thesis examines the motives, methods and successes of opposition to C. Julius Caesar in the period 60-50 leading to the outbreak of civil war in 49. An attempt has been made to distinguish between traditional and innovative methods of opposition. An evaluation of creativity levels and the social acceptability of actions has been conducted in an effort to understand adherence to moral standards in the pre-war period. In Chapter 2, opposition to Caesar in 60 and 59 is examined and found to be fierce, persistent and, despite Caesar ultimately achieving his aims, successful in a limited way. Chapter 3 examines the circumstances of 58-57. Caesar’s position was more firmly secured through the agency of Clodius’ tribunate, during which Cicero was exiled and Cato was removed from the political scene for both political and personal reasons. Examination of opposition to Caesar in Chapter 4 focuses on the period 56-54. It is demonstrated that prior to the conferences of Luca and Ravenna, opposition to Caesar was broadly undertaken by groups or individuals who fomented dissent between Crassus and Pompey in order to undermine the triumvirate as a whole. In 55 opposition to Caesar was nullified by a renewal of the triumvirate. In 54 opposition was resurgent and dominated the courts with limited success. In Chapter 5, opposition to Caesar in the period 53-50 is examined and is shown to be marked by anarchy, attempted reforms and the disintegration of the triumviral alliance. Given widespread impressions of pressure, corruption, violence and breakdown, especially in modern accounts of the period, it is suprising to discover that tactics used by Caesar’s opponents were traditional and socially acceptable for the most part, despite vehement political and personal disagreement. The will of the people was still respected by Caesar’s opponents; popular opinion in 59 was in fact the cause of opposition failure. While the Republic had suffered civil war in the opening decades of the first century BC, the state had resumed constitutional operation prior to 60. Traditional moral values and methods of gaining rank and prestige were still important and continued to be adhered to after 60. Methods of influence and social communication remained largely unchanged in the 50s, and ensured the continuity of political exchange without substantial innovation. From 56 to 54 opposition methods were opportunistic, a result of the renewal of the triumvirate. Caesar’s opponents continued to adhere to traditional political practice, despite dominance of the political machinary by the triumvirate. In 54 Caesar’s opponents gained control of the law courts, which resulted in numerous trials but no break with traditional or socially acceptable behaviour. Opposition between 53 and 50 remained traditional in most cases within an environment marked by anarchy and political stalemate, fueled by the intransigence of Caesar and Pompey who refused to recognise each others’ dignitas. The Civil War, then, was not caused by an extended period of constitutional instability. The Civil War was the result of political deadlock at the end of the 50s, motivated by the social and political inflexibility of a small group of Senators.

This thesis examines the motives, methods and successes of opposition to C. Julius Caesar in the period 60-50 leading to the outbreak of civil war in 49. An attempt has been made to distinguish between traditional and innovative methods of opposition. An evaluation of creativity levels and the social acceptability of actions has been conducted in an effort to understand adherence to moral standards in the pre-war period. In Chapter 2, opposition to Caesar in 60 and 59 is examined and found to be fierce, persistent and, despite Caesar ultimately achieving his aims, successful in a limited way. Chapter 3 examines the circumstances of 58-57. Caesar’s position was more firmly secured through the agency of Clodius’ tribunate, during which Cicero was exiled and Cato was removed from the political scene for both political and personal reasons. Examination of opposition to Caesar in Chapter 4 focuses on the period 56-54. It is demonstrated that prior to the conferences of Luca and Ravenna, opposition to Caesar was broadly undertaken by groups or individuals who fomented dissent between Crassus and Pompey in order to undermine the triumvirate as a whole. In 55 opposition to Caesar was nullified by a renewal of the triumvirate. In 54 opposition was resurgent and dominated the courts with limited success. In Chapter 5, opposition to Caesar in the period 53-50 is examined and is shown to be marked by anarchy, attempted reforms and the disintegration of the triumviral alliance. Given widespread impressions of pressure, corruption, violence and breakdown, especially in modern accounts of the period, it is suprising to discover that tactics used by Caesar’s opponents were traditional and socially acceptable for the most part, despite vehement political and personal disagreement. The will of the people was still respected by Caesar’s opponents; popular opinion in 59 was in fact the cause of opposition failure. While the Republic had suffered civil war in the opening decades of the first century BC, the state had resumed constitutional operation prior to 60. Traditional moral values and methods of gaining rank and prestige were still important and continued to be adhered to after 60. Methods of influence and social communication remained largely unchanged in the 50s, and ensured the continuity of political exchange without substantial innovation. From 56 to 54 opposition methods were opportunistic, a result of the renewal of the triumvirate. Caesar’s opponents continued to adhere to traditional political practice, despite dominance of the political machinary by the triumvirate. In 54 Caesar’s opponents gained control of the law courts, which resulted in numerous trials but no break with traditional or socially acceptable behaviour. Opposition between 53 and 50 remained traditional in most cases within an environment marked by anarchy and political stalemate, fueled by the intransigence of Caesar and Pompey who refused to recognise each others’ dignitas. The Civil War, then, was not caused by an extended period of constitutional instability. The Civil War was the result of political deadlock at the end of the 50s, motivated by the social and political inflexibility of a small group of Senators.

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My Master?s thesis will be dealing with a field trip into the Parliament of the Czech Republic as a part of civics lessons in the 6th to the 9th grade of a primary school. It emphasises the meaning of field trips, their organization and it describes possible difficulties which the organizer can get into. The first part focuses on a political system in the Czech Republic with emphasis on general power division in the land. Its aim is to monitor the evolution of legislative power in Czech lands in the 20th century. The second part deals with a teaching method of a field trip as a progressive teaching method which has been out of interest of pedagogy and didactics. In the third part the emphasis is put on the preparation, accomplishment and consequent evaluation of the field trips into the Parliament of the Czech Republic in a form of a case study. It gives instructions for their organisation and mentions basic data about the running of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. It also analyses how much the field trip can supplement theoretical knowledge of the pupils gained in the civics lessons. The aim is to deal with the experience from a direct contact with the observed reality from the point of view of the 6th to the 9th grade primary school pupils. Diploma thesis can be used as a methodical tool for pedagogues of civics lessons to organise field trips into the Parliament of the Czech Republic.

Este trabalho discute o federalismo do ponto de vista de suas relações com o regime político democrático. Se o argumento de Alfred Stepan (1999) é de que o federalismo constrange as decisões do centro nacional e por isso seria anti-democrático, contrapõem-se uma visão consociativa, no qual o federalismo é visto como importante para integrar minorias dentro de sociedades eminentemente heterogêneas. A referência aqui é o trabalho de Arend Lijphart (2003). A democracia federativa brasileira é o campo de análise empírico, por meio de uma de suas instituições federativas, o Senado Federal. Examinamos os efeitos da desproporcionalidade desta casa com os da Câmara dos Deputados, a partir das possibilidades eventuais de vetos às propostas de emendas à Constituição. E a partir daí analisamos o governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), por causa de seu caráter reformista, através de emendas constitucionais, a maior parte delas com impacto federativo. E se dentre estas emendas, as de caráter fiscal são as mais recorrentes, pesquisamos o papel do Senado no processo de ajuste fiscal deste governo, primeiro com relação à renegociação das dívidas estaduais e em segundo nas votações nominais do Fundo Social de Emergência (FSE) e suas renovações. Com isso procuramos verificar se, como e em que situações o Senado atuaria em defesa dos interesses dos estados (e regiões) que representa ou cooperaria com os intereses do governo, por meio dos partidos políticos. / This work discusses federalism from the standpoint of its relationship with the democratic political regime. If the viewpoint of Alfred Stepan (1999) is that federalism constrains decisionmaking at the national center, thus becoming anti-democratic, a consociative view is opposed: federalism would be important for the integration of minorities within eminently heterogeneous societies. In this work, the reference will be the work of Arend Lijphart (2003). The Brazilian federative democracy is the empirical field of analysis, through its federative institutions, the Federal Senate. We examine the effects of the disproportionallity of that body in relation to the Chamber of Deputies, manifest in the eventual possibilities of vetoes to proposed amendments to the Constitution, and we analyze the administration of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002), because of its reformist character, through constitutional amendments, most of them with federative impact. Since among those amendments, the fiscal-related ones are the most recurrent, we have researched the role of the Senate in the process of fiscal adjustment made by that administration, firstly in relation to the renegotiation of state-debts, and secondly in relation to nominal voting concerning Fundo Social de Emergência (FSE, or Emergency Social Fund) and its extensions. With that we have tried to verify whether, how and in which situations the Senate would be acting on behalf of the interest of the States (and regions) that the Senate represents, or whether it would cooperate with the interests of the administration, through party politics.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:17:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao joaopaulo moreira.pdf: 663224 bytes, checksum: 57876aadced04d387b0c9ff1e9f03eae (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-17 / This dissertation examines the actualization of some themes of labourist political culture during the process of the consolidation of democracy in Brazil. Considering the relation between memory and history, i studied Darcy Ribeiro‟s political career and the role it played in the change of ownership and principles of labourism, allowing a new political synthesis, active in the 1990s. Accordingly, in the assessment of his politic experiences, since the 60's, i found that such experiences have become shareholders of this renewed political culture. His parliamentary activity, during the 90s, brought into the political debate the issues dear to the design of basic reforms of the 1960s, namely: national development, a republican project, and proposals on education and land reform. Thus, the political experiences of the years 1960 and 1990 were compared, in the light of the concept of political culture, aiming to demonstrate how to change ownership in conformity to a political project for Brazil. / Esta dissertação analisa a atualização de alguns temas da cultura política trabalhista, durante o processo de consolidação da democracia no Brasil. A partir das relações entre memória e história, investigou-se a trajetória política de Darcy Ribeiro e o papel que esta desempenhou na apropriação e mudança de princípios do trabalhismo, possibilitando uma nova síntese política, atuante na década de 1990. Nesse sentido, a avaliação das experiências políticas de Darcy Ribeiro, desde os anos 60, revelou que tais experiências tornaram-se patrimônio desta cultura política renovada. Sua atividade parlamentar, durante os anos 90, trouxe ao debate político os temas caros ao projeto de reformas de base dos anos de 1960, quais sejam: o nacional-desenvolvimentismo, um projeto republicano, as propostas na área da educação e a reforma agrária. Desse modo, as experiências políticas dos anos de 1960 e 1990 foram comparadas, sob a luz do conceito de cultura política, objetivando demonstrar a apropriação e a mudança como conformadoras de um projeto político para o Brasil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Patricia Cristina Brasil.pdf: 2909675 bytes, checksum: da0fd14c5885c633137ebc076ec0f33d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-02 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Despite all progress made in regards of the recognition of women's rights in recent decades, yet there is a deep gap between the formal recognition of equality between men and women and its real achievement. By the various reported and exposed indexes in this research, it is perceived that there is a culture in transition, with strong patriarchal traits and male domination, which are reflected on the organization of social life, especially in politics and law, always considered territories inherent to men. The persistence of gender inequality in public spaces of power a situation which, from the consolidation of Brazilian democracy and especially after the 1990s, is of concern to government's agenda, movements for women rights and the international community motivates this work. The publishing of several national and international reports informs the maintenance of under-representativeness of women in Brazil, especially in places of representation such as the Legislative Power, despite inclusion efforts such as the establishment of application quotas. The lack of presence and, therefore, the absence of women experience in spaces of political construction as well as in Law impact negatively on the quality of democracy built in Brazil after the military regime. We intend, with the presented study , analyze and understand the dynamics of inclusion and existing gender inequality in Brazilian politics , trying to capture the role of institutions in the production and reproduction of this discrepancy and how it relates to the process of government in presidentialism coalition , pointing partisan barriers that hinder women's access to public office , as well as the quantitative impact of this under-representation in the activities of the Senate, as the legislative production and the establishment of agendas. Much of studies conducted in the country on the theme , focuses on the underrepresentation of women in politics restrictively the scope of the Chamber of Deputies, bypassing the analysis of gender relations in the Senate. Thus, the study aims the understanding of a social justice issue, which is gender inequality in positions of power, from an institutional point of view of the Democratic State of Law, having the Brazilian Federal Senate in its 54th Legislature, covering the years 2011-2015, as the research locus. / A despeito de todos os avanços obtidos em relação ao reconhecimento dos direitos das mulheres nas últimas décadas, ainda há uma profunda distância entre o reconhecimento da igualdade formal entre homens e mulheres e sua concretização. Percebe-se, pelos diversos índices noticiados e expostos nesta pesquisa, a existência de uma cultura em transição, com fortes traços patriarcais e de dominação masculina, que se refletem sobre a organização da vida social, especialmente na política e no direito, sempre considerados territórios inerentes aos homens. Constitui motivação ao presente trabalho, a persistência da desigualdade de gênero nos espaços públicos de poder, situação que, a partir da consolidação da redemocratização brasileira. A publicação de diversos relatórios nacionais e internacionais informa a manutenção da subrepresentatividade das mulheres no Brasil, em especial nos locais de representação, como o Poder Legislativo, a despeito de tentativas de inclusão, como o estabelecimento de cotas de candidatura. A diminuta presença das mulheres e, portanto, das suas experiências, nos espaços de construção da política e do Direito impacta, em termos de representação por presença, sobre a qualidade da democracia erguida no Brasil após o regime militar. Pretendemos, com o estudo apresentado, analisar e compreender a dinâmica de inclusão e desigualdade de gênero existente na política brasileira, procurando captar o papel das instituições na produção e reprodução dessa discrepância e de que forma ela se relaciona com o processo de governo no presidencialismo de coalização, apontando os entraves partidários que dificultam o acesso da mulher aos cargos públicos, bem como, a repercussão quantitativa dessa sub-representação nas atividades do Senado Federal, como a produção legislativa e o estabelecimento das agendas. Grande parte estudos realizados no país, sobre o tema, foca a sub-representação das mulheres na política restritivamente ao âmbito da Câmara dos Deputados, passando ao largo da análise das relações de gênero no Senado Federal. O estudo ambiciona, portanto, apresentar um diagnóstico preliminar acerca de um problema de justiça social, que é a desigualdade de gênero nos espaços de poder, sob o ponto de vista institucional do Estado Democrático de Direito, tendo como locus de pesquisa o Senado Federal Brasileiro, na sua 54ª Legislatura, abrangendo os exercícios de 2011-2015.

Cette thèse, une édition traduite et commentée de deux livres de l'Histoire romaine (livres 57 et 58), s'inscrit dans un programme d'édition critique complète et moderne de cette œuvre. Dans ce diptyque faisant suite au cycle augustéen des livres 51 à 56, Dion Cassius retrace, avec le recul d'un sénateur romain de l'époque sévérienne, le principat de Tibère et ses soubresauts, des mutineries des légions en Pannonie et en Germanie à la disparition subreptice de l'empereur, en passant par les morts tragiques des héritiers présomptifs Germanicus et Drusus et la trahison de Séjan. Particulièrement attentif aux questions institutionnelles, l'historien grec s'attache à montrer comment le successeur d'Auguste poursuit l'œuvre de fondation du Principat entreprise par ce dernier en même temps qu'il la pervertit et s'éloigne progressivement de l'idéal politique défini par Mécène au livre 52, en particulier dans les relations qu'il instaure avec les sénateurs. Combinant structure biographique et trame annalistique, approche chronologique et distorsions temporelles, le récit de Dion vient tantôt corroborer tantôt nuancer les témoignages antérieurs des écrivains latins Suétone et Tacite sur la personnalité de Tibère et les événements marquants de son principat. Bien que longtemps considérés par les historiens modernes comme une source d'appoint pour la connaissance de cette période, les livres 57 et 58 de l'Histoire romaine, malgré leur état partiellement lacunaire, apportent de surcroît un éclairage essentiel sur les circonstances entourant la chute de Séjan, pour lesquelles nous ne disposons pas du témoignage des Annales de Tacite. À côté de notre travail d'établissement du texte et de traduction, nous proposons donc un commentaire qui s'efforce de dégager, en trois temps consacrés successivement à la structure narrative des deux livres, à la construction d'une figure d'empereur à la fois singulière et archétypale, et, enfin, à la tonalité distanciée du récit, l'originalité stylistique et l'intérêt historique du point de vue développé par Dion Cassius sur la vie politique et les institutions romaines du Haut-Empire. / This thesis is a translated edition of Books 57 & 58 of Cassius Dio's Roman History, with a philological and historical commentary. The latter edition of Cassius Dio's work is now outdated, and so are the French translations based upon it. Our work constitutes a part of a larger programme that aims to provide an up-to-date edition with a translation of the complete works of Cassius Dio. In books 57 & 58, the Greek historian, living under the Severans, follows thoroughly the evolution of the Tiberian Principate, with a particular focus on the political crisis from military rebellions in Pannonia and Germania to Sejanus' conspiracy. His analyses are founded both on his literature searches and on his own political experience as a Roman senator, and reveal an accurate knowledge of the institutional realities of the Early Principate. The main goal of the two books is to show how Tiberius, as the successor of Augustus, completes the founding work of his great predecessor while debasing the political ideals defined by Maecenas in book 52. In this train of thought, Dio pays special attention to the relationships between the Emperor and the Senators and how they evolve. Combining biographical patterns with an annalistic framework, the narration provides an original point of view on the figure of Tiberius, beside the earlier testimonies of Suetonius and Tacitus which remain incomplete with regard to the fall of Sejanus. Accordingly, the present work focusses on three main areas, including first the narrative structure, then the profiling of Tiberius as a political leader in relation to other rulers, and finally the distanced and ironic view on the political and human comedy.