Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussions. / Deliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions.

Orientador: Margarida Maria de Carvalho / Resumo: Este estudo tem por finalidade analisar as cortes de justiça senatorial e imperial, através das obras Cartas e Panegírico a Trajano escritas por Plínio, o Jovem, e Diálogo dos Oradores, Agrícola, Histórias e Anais I-VI de Tácito. A organização judiciária da cidade de Roma, durante o Principado, contava com diferentes cortes de justiça. Apesar de perpassar a jurisdição de diferentes cortes de justiça, a presente tese irá se centrar na interpretação das acusações de maiestas e repetundae, relatadas por esses dois senadores romanos, que foram instauradas perante as cortes senatorial e imperial. Ambas as cortes se configuraram como ambientes privilegiados para a análise das negociações entre o Senado e o princeps e, por esta razão, serão objetos do nosso estudo. Veremos como a escolha de uma corte de justiça e os procedimentos empregados no julgamento dos processos eram permeados por negociações entre o Senado e os imperadores atuantes. Como discorremos, Tácito e Plínio centraram suas narrativas no (des)equilíbrio da distribuição das funções e dos poderes jurídicos e político-administrativos entre o Senado e o princeps. Assim, investigaremos a hipótese da existência de um entrelaçamento entre as práticas político-administrativas e as práticas jurídicas durante o Principado. Nesse sentido, partiremos do estudo das acusações de repetundae e maiestas identificadas em nossa documentação. O crimen repetundarum e o crimen maiestatis, de modo geral, criminalizavam, respectivamente, o su... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This study’s goal is to analyze the senatorial and imperial law courts through Pliny the Younger’s works Letters and Panegyric to Trajan, as well as Tacitus' works Dialogue on Oratory, Agricola, Histories and Annals I-VI. The judiciary structure of the city of Rome, during the Principate, featured different law courts. Although it encompasses the jurisdiction of different law courts, this thesis will focus on the interpretation of the accusations of maiestas and repetundae reported by these two Roman senators that were installed in the senatorial and imperial law courts. Both courts of justice became privileged environments for the analysis of the negotiations between the Senate and the princeps, and, for this reason, they are the objects of our study. We will see how the choice for a law court and the procedures employed in the trials of the processes were permeated by negotiations between the Senate and the regent emperors. As discussed, Tacitus and Pliny centered their narratives around the (im)balance of function distribution and legal and political-administrative powers between the Senate and the princeps. Thus, we will investigate the hypothesis of an interweaving between the political-administrative practices and the legal practices during the Principate. In this way, we will proceed to the study of the accusations of repetundae and maiestas identified in our sources. The crimen repetundarum and the crimen maiestatis, in a broad manner, criminalized, respectively, brib... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Résumé: Cette étude vise à analyser les cours sénatoriales et impériales, à travers les oeuvres Correspondance et Panégyrique de Trajan, écrites par Pline le Jeune et le Dialogue des orateurs, la Vie d’Agricola, les Histoires et les Annales I-VI de Tacite. L’organisation judiciaire de la ville de Rome, pendant le Principat, avait différentes cours de justice. Malgré aborder la juridiction des différentes cours de justice, cette thèse se concentra sur l’interpretation des accusations de maiestas et de repentundae, rapportées par ces deux sénateurs romains, qui ont été instaurées devant les cours sénatorial et impérial. Les deux cours ont été configurées comme des environnements privilégies pour l’analyse des négociations entre le Sénat et le princeps et, pour cette raison, feront l’objet de notre étude. Nous verrons comment le choix d’une cour de justice et les procédures suivies lors du procès ont été imprégnés de négociations entre le Sénat et les empereurs actifs. Comme nous avons discouru, Tacite et Pline ont centré leur récit sur le (dés)équilibre de la répartition des fonctions et des pouvoirs juridiques et politico-administratifs entre le Sénat et le princeps. Ainsi, nous étudierons l’hypothèse de l’existence d’une imbrication entre pratiques politico-administratifs et pratiques juridiques pendant le Principat. En ce sens, nous commencerons par l’étude des accusations de repetundae et maiestas identifiées dans notre documentation. Le crimen repetundarum et le crimen maiestatis,... (Résumé complet accès életronique ci-dessous) / Doutor

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.

La présente vise à étudier le rôle que jouent les groupes dans les Sénats universitaires en période de restrictions budgétaires. En utilisant le cadre d’analyse des conflits fourni par Bélanger et Lemieux (2002), en développant une typologie dérivée de celle de Hardy (1996) et en se basant sur les constats empiriques de Jones (2001, 2004) concernant les perceptions des participants à cette instance, nous avons analysé le déroulement de l’Assemblée universitaire de l’Université de Montréal au cours de l’hiver 2008. Les résultats montrent que les groupes syndicaux et associatifs collaborent peu, que la direction réussit à tirer son épingle du jeu en formant des alliances ponctuelles avec les différentes factions et que l’Assemblée ne joue plus efficacement le rôle pour lequel elle a été créée. Cette étude montre l’importance de continuer la recherche sur la micropolitique universitaire afin d’appuyer la recherche actuelle portant sur les meilleures pratiques en enseignement supérieur. / The aim of this study is to evaluate the role that groups play in the academic governance of Canadian universities, through the university Senate, during a period of financial retrenchment. Using a theoritical framework taken from Belanger & Lemieux (2002), Hardy (1996) and Jones (2001, 2004), the analysis focuses on the 2008 Winter semester sessions of the University Assembly of Université de Montréal. The results show that unions and associations did not show inter- and intra-group cohesion strong enough to counter the administration’s cohesiveness and ability to make alliances. The Assembly itself has seen its share of formal responsibilites wither and was, during the observation, little more than a soapbox for groups who wanted to place an item on the institutional agenda. The study highlights the importance of further study of inter-groups relationships in higher education, in parallel with the wider scientific trend of revision of management practices in universities.

This thesis traces the growth the United States Senate's role in the Supreme Court confirmation process from the passage of the Judiciary Act of 1789 to the nomination of Robert H. Bork in 1987. Beginning with an examination of the intellectual origins of the Advice and Consent Clause of the United States Constitution, the thesis goes on to demonstrate that the Senate's role in the confirmation process has expanded well beyond the boundaries established by the Framers of the Constitution, and that this has resulted in a usurpation of the presidential power of appointment. The thesis concludes by arguing that the growth of the Senate's role in the confirmation process has harmed the integrity of the judicial branch by infringing upon the separation of powers, specifically demonstrating how the modern confirmation process has threatened to undermine the independence of the Judiciary.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-28Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:39:20Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 mauerbergjunior_a_me_arafcl.pdf: 996231 bytes, checksum: fded13f978b6c194ea99ce9a70df8c71 (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Na presente dissertação buscamos estudar de maneira profunda uma característica comum a regimes democráticos proposta pela Escola da Escolha Pública. Determinados ramos desta Escola de Pensamento afirmam que os políticos trocam votos entre si buscando apoio futuro para seus projetos. Utilizando a metodologia de Análise de Redes Sociais, buscamos primeiramente mapear a atuação e os contatos dos Senadores da República Federativa do Brasil dentro das comissões fixas desta casa de leis no período compreendido pela 52ª Legislatura. Após este mapeamento procuramos criar meios de análise para responder à questão proposta pelos ramos da escola citada, ou seja, desejamos responder a questão teórica da existência ou não do logrolling no Senado Brasileiro. Anteriormente a análise empírica e resposta aos problemas propostos, apresentaremos a devida introdução teórica compreendida por uma revisão de literatura sobre os temas pertinentes, sejam eles puramente teóricos a respeito da troca de apoio, sejam eles analíticos a respeito do sistema público brasileiro / In this masters’ dissertation we deeply analyzed a common feature of democratic regimes as proposed by the Public Choice School. Some branches of this School claim that congressmen exchange votes among themselves seeking support for future projects of their own. A process called logrolling. By using social network analysis, firstly we mapped the activities and contacts of Brazilian Senators holding seats in standing committees during the 52nd Legislature. After this mapping process we will be able to answer the question posed, i.e.: Does logrolling exist in the Brazilian Senate? Previously to the empirical analysis we will introduce the problem and review the literature on relevant subjects, whether they are purely theoretical with respect to the exchange of votes, or analytical about the Brazilian political system

Submitted by Daniele Santos (danielesantos.htl@gmail.com) on 2015-12-22T14:11:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Janete de Oliveira Feitosa (janete.feitosa@fgv.br) on 2015-12-28T19:03:08Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2016-01-06T17:42:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-06T17:43:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ashley.pdf: 3717036 bytes, checksum: fc187a3c5d98cd64509bdbad08f8362e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-10-26 / Even though the term corporate inversion has been heard globally for decades, it has only become more prevalent in the United States during the past two years. This case study examines two United States companies that recently had very high profile and public corporate inversion experiences. Complicated tax laws and high tax rales have long eroded the ability of United States companies to remain competitive on a global scale. During the past two years, tax reform has been elevated to the Presidential and Congressional levei. Because these reform efforts have stalled, however, and in the constant search for ways to become more competitive and profitable, United States dorniciled companies have begun to more aggressively explore corporate inversion. This case study of Walgreens Alliance Boots and Mylan N.V., is undertaken because while the reasons to pursue a corporate inversion for both companies were very similar and done during the same time period, the internai process and final outcome were dramatically different. The other dynamic studied is the role both internai and externai politics had on these two cornpanies and how they influenced the decisions made by the executives. Lastly, the Obama Administration continues to threaten so called 'corporate America' to remain in the country through regulatory pressure, but this has not stopped companies frorn pursing corporate inversions. Legislatively, attempts at corporate tax reform, another way to encourage Untied States companies to remain, have also failed. I will not try to determine i f a corporate inversion is the right path for a company to take. I am examining how the rise o f the practice o f corporate inversions has been elevated in boardroorns, on Wall Street, in Congress and at the White House during the past two years.

This study sets out to examine whether the "new'' provincial governments in South Africa are in practice functioning as "quasi-federal" power bases. The study starts with an appraisal of the core constitutional concepts critical to provincial government as a prelude to the enquiry into the practical status of the provincial governments. An enquiry is made into the application of certain provisions of the interim Constitution pertaining to provincial government. Thereafter certain provisions of the final Constitution pertaining to provincial government are compared with the corresponding provisions of the interim Constitution. The issue of provincial powers in practice and the problems experienced by provincial governments are also dealt with. The study concludes that provincial governments are currently not functioning as "quasi-federal" power bases and that it is even doubtful whether that situation will present itself in the foreseeable future. / Law / LL. M.

A criação de novas províncias no Brasil Império não era algo simples nem tampouco rotineiro. Envolvia um processo complexo que, atravessando diversas instâncias da administração imperial, levava ao plenário do parlamento reivindicações autonomistas de grupos políticos que, com maior ou menor poder de barganha na arena parlamentar possuíam interesses que passavam pela criação de uma unidade administrativa que significaria alguma autonomia para esta elite gerir seus próprios interesses. Embora exista uma quantidade razoável de pedidos neste sentido, o fato é que durante todo o século XIX apenas duas propostas alcançaram êxito: Amazonas (1850) e Paraná (1853). Separados pela distância e envoltos em contextos regionais diferentes, estes projetos foram os únicos que conseguiram aglutinar em torno de si apoio político suficiente para permitir sua aprovação. Para isso contaram com situações extraordinárias que fizeram com que projetos locais fossem debatidos como políticas nacionais, tais como a ocorrência de levantes amados, de contestações de fronteiras e a existência de complicadas questões envolvendo as relações externas do país. Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar as discussões que se deram em torno de tais políticas no parlamento brasileiro. Vários elementos estiveram articulados neste debate: os interesses das elites provinciais, a necessidade de um Estado mais efetivo para negociar a ordem interna e problemas relativos à política externa, pois estavam em jogo as relações com os países vizinhos. Fatores estes que exigiam soluções dotadas de um equilíbrio do qual dependia a sobrevivência de um Estado em construção na contingência de redividir administrativamente seu território. / The creation of new provinces in the Empire of Brazil was not simple. It envolved a complex process across multiple instances of the central administration which led to the plenary of the Parliament autonomist demands of political groups which, with bigger or less bargaining power in the parliamentary arena, had interests that passed through the creation of a administrative unit, which would mean some autonomy to manage their own interests and needs. Although there is a reasonable amount of such requests, the fact is that througout the nineteenth century only two proposals have suceeded: Amazonas (1850) and Paraná (1853). Separated by distance and wrapped in different regional contexts, these projects were the only ones who managed to unite around him enough political support to enable this adoption. This thanks to extraordinary situations that have caused local projects were discussed as national policies, such as the ocurrence of armed movements, bordes disputes and the existence of complicated issues involving foreign relations. This work aims to analyse the debates that took place in the Brazilian Parliament around such policies. Several elements have been articulated in these discussions. The interests of the provincial elites, the need of a more effective State to manage the problems of internal order and foreign policy, as it was at risk the relations with neighboring countries. Factors that demanded solutions with a balance of which depended the survival of a State under construction in administrative contingency redivide its territory.

A questão da livre navegação nas principais bacias hidrográficas sulamericanas - Amazonas e Prata - constituiu ponto capital da política externa dos países da América do Sul em meados do século XIX. Seu desenrolar, assim, adquiriu importância para a constituição dos novos Estados da região, na medida em que influía em questões vitais para a sobrevivência destes, como o acesso a regiões do seu próprio território e o comércio internacional. No Brasil isto não foi diferente, e a questão da navegação a vapor na bacia amazônica constituiu-se em um elemento fundamental para o processo de construção do seu Estado nacional. Neste sentido, tornou-se necessária a adoção de políticas que visassem fazer frente ao risco de perda da soberania sobre a região amazônica, supostamente ameaçada pelo imperialismo das potências européias e Estados Unidos, e a inserir a região da melhor forma possível no sistema econômico e político brasileiro e no contexto das trocas comerciais internacionais. Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar as discussões que se deram em torno de tais políticas, principalmente no parlamento brasileiro. Desta forma, é possível vislumbrar qual foi a margem de autonomia em política externa deste nascente Estado, obrigado deste cedo a se confrontar com as maiores potências da época na busca de um tênue equilíbrio do qual dependia sua sobrevivência. / The question of free navigation of the two main south american hidrographic bays Amazonas and Prata constitutes a central theme of foreign policy for the continents countries in the mid 19th century. Its unraveling was important on the establishment of the regions new states, to the extent that it influenced in their own existence in such vital question as the acess to distant places of their own territories and foreign trade. This was not different in Brazil. The question of steam navigation in the Amazonic bay constituted itself into a fundamental question on the process of building the brazilian national state. In this course, it become necessary to adopt political measures that animed at the protection of the sovereignty over the amazonic region, supposedly threatenned by the United States and other european imperialist states. Also, policies that would insert the region into Brazils political and economic systems, as well as into the international trade context. This research aims at analising the discussions regarding such policies, especially the ones that took place in the brazilian parliament. This way we can have a glimpse at how much autonomy this newly formed state had in its foreign affairs. Very early ir saw itself forced to face some of the great potencies of the time in order to maintain a delicate balance of power in which depended its survival.